A CONCISE HISTORY 



u 



CONCISE HISTORY, 

©F THE EFFORTS TO OBTAIN AX 

EXTENSION OE SUEFRAGE 

INRHODE ISLAND; 

FROM THE YEAR 

By JACOB FRIEZE. 



PROVIDENCE : 

BENJAMIN F. MOORE, PRINTER 

1842. 



783 



COPY-RIGHT SECURED. 



PREFACE. 



The object of the writer, in this little and 
unpretending volume, has been, to make a 
plain and simple statement of facts. If he 
has failed to do so, the failure has been un- 
intentional. 



CONCISE HISTORY 



CONCISE HISTOEY. 



CHAPTER I. 

Civil sfovernment is an institution uesifrned for the 
mutual safety and protection of mankind, and for the 
promotion of that mutual happiness, for which an 
all-wise and benevolent Creator appears to have 
intended his creatures. That all men are by nature 
free and equal, is an axiom in phylosophy which no 
one will controvert, and which all liberal and enlight- 
ened statesmen freely admit without question. It is a 
maxim which constitutes the basis of all democratic 
republics, and which is fully recognised as the great 
fundamental principle of the government of these 
United States. Because all men are by nature free 
and equal, and because a free government is designed 
for mutual protection, safety, and happiness, such a 
government must be a mutual compact or covenant 
among equals ; and hence the republican maxim, that 
all the rightful powers of government are derived 
from the people, and are to be exercised for their 
good. 

But government is also an affair of necessity. 
With the complete natural freedom with which man 
I 



6 CONCISE HISTORY. 

comes into the world, with a consciousness of perfect 
equality among the entire liuman family, and with the 
infirmities to which all are subject, neither safety nor 
happiness could long exist without an organization in 
some form, and a controlling sovereign power lodged 
somewhere, to reduce the body to obedience to such 
rules as might appear best calculated to advnnce the 
great object of human existence. If the God of 
nature has made all men free and equal, so has he 
implanted a rule of action in the human breast, by 
which all men are bound to respect the rights and to 
promote the happiness of each other. But, as 
men seem inclined to overstep that rule to gratify 
iheir selfish propensities, and thereby step aside from 
the rult3 of right, the necessity becomes obvious, to 
associate together in bodies politic, in which, by 
mutual agreement, the power shall be placed in the 
hands of a few, to make and enforce laws for the 
government of the many. That government, and 
that power, however, are not created for the benefit 
alone of those to whom they are entrusted. Their 
object is the public good — or, as Burlamaqiii happily 
expresses it, ''for the good of ike ivhole in general, 
and of every individual in 'particidarJ^ No one will 
doubt the necessity of government. It is not a mere 
matter of choice of the few or the many. It is a 
matter of right and necessity due to each and every 
individual ; because it is the right of eveiy one to be 
protected against the violence of every other one, and 
to pursue measures, without impediment, to piomote 
his own hap})iness, provided he do not inflict injury 



CONCISE HISTORY. 



on others. This necessity creates in the majority, the 
right to impose laws on the minority ; and it confers 
on that majority, the authority to enforce tliose laws : 
— Provided always, that the minority shall enjoy 
safety p.nd protection' with the majority, and suffer no 
curtaihnent of privileges, but what the welfare of the 
whole may demand. 

If this view be correct, it will at once be seen, 
that, w hen a majoi'ity of members of the body politic 
become dissatisfied with the form and principles of 
their government, and convinced that it does not tend 
to the object for which governments are or should be 
erected, they have the undoubted right to effect a 
change. This principle is theoretically recognised in 
the American Constitutions, as a necessary attribute 
of the popular sovereignty. But there is a principle 
paramount even to this ; and which must, in all cases, 
be allowed to take precedence of it. The social tie, 
the basis of all government, must never be dissolved 
nor impaired, except in compliance with absolute 
necessity ; because, by such an act, anarchy is cre- 
ated, and the pubhc weal endangered. All revolu- 
tions dissolve the existing restraints or impair them, 
and weaken the respect for government, and laws; 
and no man can bear and discharge the av/ful respon- 
sibility, for the terrible evils that may intervene 
between the demolition of one government, and 
the erection of another, by ^-evolutionary movements. 
As the first formation of government is a matter of 
absolute necessity, so should a revolution be; and so 
it must be in order to its justification. No act of 



8 CONCISE HISTORY. 

violence to effect a change against the wishes of even 
a small minority, can ever be justified, as long as a 
hope remains of effecting that change in a legal and 
peaceable manner, and after a long and patient for- 
bearance under oppression. Such were the views 
and feelings of our revolutionary sires, as set forth by 
them in the Declaration of Independence. They 
plead their long and patient sufiering, and the abso- 
lute refusal of the mother country to listen to their 
humble petitions, memorials^ and remonstrances. And 
it was after all these had failed, and after the mother 
country had prepared to demand and enforce her 
oppressive laws at the point of the bayonet, and at 
the cannon's mouth, that the cord was severed which 
bound her American colonies to allegiance. Thus 
was the necessity for revolution made apparent. A 
necessity not originating in the f\ict that the American 
colonies were oppressed, but in the absolute refusal of 
the mother country to remove the hand of oppression, 
the actual employment of force, and even the shed- 
ding of blood, to enforce her arbitrary and oppressive 
laws, and the consequent conclusion, that, resistance 
must be opposed to tyranny, or the fetters of slavery 
worn by the American people. On this ground 
alone, was the American Revolution justifiable. But, 
at the time the Declaration of American Independ- 
ence was put forth, and when the patriotic colonists 
were treading the battle-field in hostile array, had 
there been a body of commissioners appointed by the 
British government, actually in session to consider our 
grievances, to consult the wishes of the people, and 



CONCISE HISTORY. 9 

to devise modes of redress, who would have consid- 
ered the measures of the colonists any thing better 
than rebellion and treason ? The necessity for revo- 
lution would not and could not have existed, till it 
should have been known that redress was finally and 
fully refused. Then, and not till then, could violent 
measures be justified. It was otherwise — and for 
that reason only, our revolutionary fathers became 
patriots and heroes, who else would have been rebels 
and traitors. Burke says, " It is the first and supreme 
necessity only, a necessity that is not chosen, but 
chooses — a necessity paramount to deliberation; that 
admits no discussion ; and demands no evidence, 
which alone can justify a resort to anarchy. " 



CHAPTER II. 

I have offered the foregoing preliminary remarks, 
because there are many people at home and abroad, 
who appear to consider the late attempt at revolution 
in Rhode Island, to be analagous, if not parallel, to 
that which proved so eminently successful in the days 
that "tried men's souls;" and by which, the Ameri- 
can colonies became free and Independent States. A 
candid and impartial statement of facts in the follow- 
ing pages, will enable the reader to compare the two 
cases, and to judge for himself how far they resemble 
each other. And, in order to refresh the memory, it 
1* 



10 CONCISE HISTORY 

may be found necessary, occasionally, to refer back, 
and to compare notes as we proceed. 

It will not be deemed necessary, in this brief epi- 
tome, to go into a labored history of the Rhode Island 
government. But it will be expedient, in order to 
have the whole case before us, and to correct false 
impressions, to advert to some of its most prominent 
portions and features. 

The fact is well and universally known, that the 
only w^ritten fundamental law of the State, is, the 
Colonial Charter granted by Charles 2nd, King of 
Great Britain, in the year 1663. So much of that 
Charier as is necessary to the present purpose, 
because it involves the main questions now at issue, 
is as follows : — 

"And further, we do, of our ^jspecial grace, certain 
knowledge, and mere motion, give and grant unto the 
said Governor and Company of the English colony 
of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, in New 
England, in America, and their successors, that the 
Governor, or, in his absence, or by his permission, the 
Deputy Governor of the said Company, for the time 
being, the Assistants, and such of the freemen of the 
said Company as shall be so as aforesaid elected or 
deputed, or so many of them as shall be present at 
such meeting or assembly, as aforesaid, shall be called 
the General Assembly ; and that they, or the greatest 
part of them then present, whereof the Governor or 
Deputy Governor, and six of the Assistants, at least 
to be seven, shall have, and have hereby given and 



CONCISE HISTORY. I I 

granted unto tbem, full power and authority, from 
time to time, and at all times hereafter, to appoint, 
alter and change, such days, times and places of 
meeting and General Assembly, as they shall think 
fit; and to choose, nominate and appoint, such and 
so many other persons as they shall think fit, and 
shall be willing to accept the same, to be free of the 
said Company and body politic, and them into the 
same to admit. " 

By the above quotation, it will be seen that there 
was no other qualification prescribed for a freeman or 
voter, than his admission as such, by those who were 
freemen or voters already. As they were to admit 
those whom they might think proper, it followed of 
course that they were at liberty, if they saw fit, to 
prescribe an uniform qualification to entitle a man to 
be admitted free, and to exclude all others ; and thi-s 
right was conceded to them, as one of the essential 
rights of a body corporate. No doubt, at that period 
and long after, nearly every member of the community 
was a freeholder; and it was not till a long pe- 
riod after the charter was granted, that the freehold 
qualification was required by law, to entitle a man to 
be "admitted free of said company.". And very pro- 
bably that law was enacted as a necessary measure of 
safety, in consequence of the influx: of emigrants from 
abroail, whom, without resjjonsibility, and without 
character, mere itinerant fortune hunters, it was deem- 
ed unsafe to admit to a participation in the affairs of 
the government. However this may have been, and 



12 CONCISE HISTORY. 

whoever may have considered himself outraged by be- 
ing thus deprived of the right of suffrage, there cannot 
be the shadow of a doubt, that a very large majority 
of the people of the colony were freeholders at the 
lime, and, in accordance even with the doctrine of 
the present day, had the right to govern, till they were 
outnumbered. 

But the American Revolution opened a new era. 
The royal authority over the colony, was repudiated, 
and Rhode Island became a free, sovereign, and inde- 
pendent state. Most of the other states proceeded to 
make and adopt constitutions of government, as they 
had the right to do. But Rhode Ifland continued, as 
she had the right also to do, under her colonial charter, 
changing only her title, from colony, to state, and 
modifying her laws. I say Rhode Island had the 
right to do this, because a majority of the people ap- 
peared to have preferred it, and the minority to have 
acquiesced in it. And this fact is evident, because no 
attempt at a change was made. It is also certain, on 
the other hand, that the question was not put to the 
people of the state, whether they would continue un- 
der the old form of government, or institute a new one; 
at least there is no record of such a procedure now in 
existence, and no recollections of such an one is pre- 
served. It is not the business of the writer to deter- 
mine whether the course pursued was in itself right or 
wrong — whether the non-freeholder had or not the 
right to demand a constitution, and the privilege to ex- 
ercise the elective franchise. It would seem that no 
such demand was made, and as those who possess the 



CONCISE HISTORY. 13 

political power seldom relinquish it of their own accord 
the landholders still retained it unquestioned, and con- 
tinued the exercise of the governmental powers under 
the original system, as though no other change had 
occurred, except that of transferring the sovereignty 
from the crown of Great Britain to the freeholders of 
Rhode Island. Thus the form and principles of gov- 
ernment established by virtue of the Royal prerogative, 
over a dependent colony, became by prescription or 
usage those of the sovereign state. With this govern- 
ment in operation, and without question or objection, 
Rhode Island became a member of the Federal Union, 
under the constitution which requires of the United 
States to guarantee to each State, a republican form of 
government. That this government was considered 
legitimate and republican by the Federal Government, 
there can be no doubt, because, under it, the state was 
admitted into the Union. That the people of the 
state so considered it, nmst be taken for granted, be- 
cause they did not protest against it at the time, and 
submitted to it without complaint. That the law of 
suffrage, and the representative apportionment, had 
become somewhat unequal and illiberal at the time, 
there can be no doubt, nor is it more questionable 
that the inequality has increased. Still as it is con- 
ceded that the majority must govern, the minority, if 
they felt aggrieved; had no other means of ledress than 
to await the change of public opinion in their favor ; 
and, meantime the government under the charter be- 
ing sustained by the major })ortion of the people, was 
as fully binding on the minority as though it had been 



14 CONCISE HISTORY. > 

adopted by the unanimous voice of the entire popula- 
tion of the state. 

Times and circumstances, have, however, in some 
respects, undergone a change. For nearly forty years 
past, a portion of the people of the state have been 
restless and uneasy under the laws which denied them 
the right of franchise. No direct measure however, 
it is believed, was adopted to effect a change in their 
favor, till the year, 1811, w^hen a bill was introduced 
into the State Senate, for that piupose. This was a 
strict party movement. In the spring of that year, 
the Republican part}'' had elected the Governor, Lt. 
Governor, and Senate, and a majority of the members 
of the other House. At the June session of that year, 
a bill was prepared for the extension of suffrage ; and 
arrangements Vv^ere made to carry it through.'^ By 
some means however, it w^as not presented. At the 
October session following, the Fedeial party had ob- 
tained the ascendancy in the House, and in which 
body the bill was defeated after it had passed the Sen- 
ate. Thus ended the first serious attempt, by legisla- 
tive means, to extend the elective franchise to the non- 
freeholders. The subject was subsequently revived, 
and occasionally discussed by the citizens among them- 
selves, and also at times in the columns of the 
public papers. Little or nothing however ap- 
pears to have been done, until the year 18:24; when 
a convention was directed, by the General Assembly, 
to be called for the purpose of forming a written con- 
stitution of State Government. The Delegates to that 
body were elected by the freemen, or qualified voters, 



CONCISE HISTORY. 15 

including only freeholders and their eldest sons. The 
body convened June 21, 18-24; and closed its labors 
and adjourned on the 30th of the same month. 

The great complaint by a portion of the freemen, 
especially of Providence county against the existing 
form of government, then, as now, was the inequality 
of the Representation in the Lower House of the As- 
sembly. The. same apportionment had been continu- 
ed from the date of the colonial charter, nearly one 
hundred and fifty years. It had no regard to the fu- 
ture increase of population, or change of circumstances; 
but, by an arbitrary rule, gave to each town its num- 
ber of Representatives, wiiliout the authority to eil'ect 
a change, in all time to come. That rule, at the time 
it was first adopted, was probably very nearly correct 
in principle. It gave to Newport, then the commer- 
cial einporium of the colony, six Representatives; and 
to Providence, then a secondary village, four. To 
Warwick 'and Portsmouth it also gave four, each, and 
to each other town, two. But, in process of time a 
great change had taken place as to population. In 
1824, the population of Providence was more than 
double that of Newport. ^lany towns entitled by the 
charter, to two Representatives each, had acquired a 
population more tlian double the number in Ports- 
mouth which sent four; and three times as great as 
some, and four or five times as great as others, which al- 
so sent two each. So great in fact had the inequality 
become, that the county of Providence, furnishing but 
twenty-two Representatives out of seventy-two, in- 
cluded ten towns out of thirty-one, and three-fifths of 



16 CONCISE HISTORY. 

the entire population of the State. The convention 
framed and gave out a constitution designed measura- 
bly to correct this alleged evil. It provided that each 
town having 3,000 inhabitants, and less than 5,000, 
should elect three Representatives. That each town 
having 5,000, and less than 8,000, should elect 4 — 
That each town having 8,000, and less than 12,000, 
should elect 5- • That each town having 12,000, and 
under 17,000 should elect 7 — And that no town 
should send less than two Representatives, nor more 
than seven. The freehold qualification was retamed, 
which requires the ownership of real estate to the val- 
ue of one hundred and thirty-four dollars, or of the 
annual value of seven dollars ; and tlie right of fran- 
chise of the eldest son without the freehold qualifica- 
tions, was cut off. 

In most of the towns, if not all, whose representa- 
tion was to be unfavorably affected by the proposed 
change, there was a very strong opposition to it ; so 
that, out of the twenty one towns in all but Providence 
county, only three gave a majority for it, and they 
were Bristol and Warren, which would have gained 
by it, and Barrington, which it would not have affect- 
ed, Foster and Scituate, Cianston and Burrillville, 
all in the county of Providence, also gave heavy ma- 
jorities against it, partly perhaps from a reluctance 
common to a large body of the freemen, to any inno- 
vation on the old system, and partly from jealousy of 
the influence of the city of Providence. 

From these causes, and probably in part from others, 
the constitution was rejected by a comparatively large 



CONCISE HISTORY. 



17 



majority, as appears by the official returns ; which for 
reference, we give below. 





Yes. 


No. 




Yes. 


No. 


Newport, 


5 


531 


Charlestown, 


000 


75 


Providence, 


653 


26 


Glocester, 


85 


30 


Portsmouth, 


000 


183 


West Greenwich, 


1 


173 


Warwick, 


67 


160 


Coventry, 


71 


195 


Westerly, 


12 


68 


Exeter, 


000 


114 


New Slioreharh, 


2 


49 


Middletown, 


2 


96 


North Kingstown, 


6 


207 


Bri>tol, 


100 


24 


South Kingstown 


47 


]00 


Tiverton, 


13 


96 


East Greenwich 


30 


80 


Little Compton, 


6 


91 


Jamestown, 


6 


16 


Warren 


57 


28 


Smithfield, 


123 


18 


Cumberland, 


140 


14 


Scituate, 


18 


234 


Richmond, 


000 


90 


Cranston, 


36 


52 


Johnston, 


58 


13 


Hopkinton, 


5 


69 


North Providence, 


64 


10 


Barrington, 


21 


]2 


Foster, 


4 


232 


Burrillville, 


27 


37 









Total — for the constitution 1668 — Against it, 
3,206 — making a majority against it, of 1538 votes. 
The vote, it will be seen, is small, and probably not 
one half as large as might have been cast. The ques- 
tion however was not to be put to rest by such means. 
But a short period had elapsed after the quietus had 
been given to the constitution of 1824, before the sub- 
ject was again brought up ; or rather before the flame 
which had only been partially smothered, broke out 
afresh. It would be of but little interest to the reader 
to trace the progress of excitement from month to 
month, or from year to year, and to enter into the de- 
tails of particular movements among the people at a 
period so long gone by, in connexion w^ith this subject; 
suffice it to say ; for the succeeding five years, up to 
2 



XQ CONCISE HISTORY. 

1829, the object was kept steadily in view, and, among 
a portion of the people, with a determination never to 
recede from the ground, till that object should be ac- 
complished. From the following reports of the Gen- 
eral Assembly, copied from the Providence Journal, 
some opinion may be formed of the state of the ques- 
tion at that period. At the May session cf that year, 
the report says — '• Several memorials on the subject 
of extending the right of suffrage, were received, and 
referred to a Committee to report thereon at the June 
Session. The committee was composed of iMessrs. 
B. Hazard, Haile, Wilbur, Thurston, and Rhodes. " 
Thus the matter rested till the June Session ; when, 
on Saturday the 2Tth of that month, the leport says ; 
— '• The subject of the memorials and petitions for 
the extension of suffrage, was called up. Mr. Hazard 
from the committee, to whom they had been referred, 
reported adversely to extending the right. Mr. Howe 
moved to continue the subject to the next session, but 
withdrew his motion before the question was taken. 
On motion of jMr. Updike, the petitioners were allow- 
ed to withdraw their petitions. " By way of com- 
ment, the reporter adds — •' Thus died without a strug- 
gle, a subject which has created so much excitement 
in our State." — A comment which, as respected 
merely the petitions thus summarily rejected, was true 
enough ; but w hich, as related to the future, was 
subsequently falsified by events in a very short period 
of time. 

We ought perhaps, in this place, to pause a mo- 
ment, for reflection on the state of public feeling at that 



CONCISE HISTORY. 19 

period, and the peculiar character of the legislative ac- 
tion on the sLihject, and which becomes absolutely 
necessary, in order to appreciate the merits of the 
subsequent controversies on the subject in dispute. 



CHAPTER III. 

It will be seen by the brief references in the pre- 
ceding pages, that, however the subject of extending 
the right of suflTage may have been discussed and 
treated in tlie community, the General Assembly, or 
at least the House of Representatives, was disposed to 
treat the matter with very little ceremony or consider- 
ation. Tlie petitions and memorials presented to the 
House from time to time, invariably received their 
death-blow in that body ; and therefore never reached 
the Senate. Consequently, as they failed by that 
means to find a place among the records of the state, 
it would be impossible to ascertain how numerous were 
the signatures a))pended to them. As far however as 
is now known, the number has been at no time large, 
and has, in all cases presented but a small proportion 
of the male population of the State twenty-one years 
of age and upwards, and but few indeed of the quali- 
fied voters. This is one reason why the Legislature 
continued to treat the subject with neglect. That 
body naturally formed the conclusion that, if a major- 
ity of the people of the state were dissatisfied with the 
existing laws relative to the elective franchise, they 



go CONCISE HISTORY. 

would not be backward in presenting themselves, by 
memorial, before that body ; and the inference from 
the fact that they did not, was, that the disaffected 
constituted but a small minority. In the second place 
the Legislature, and the Landholders in general, with 
here and there an exception, considered the original 
charter of Charles 2nd. as an act of incorporation 
giving to the freemen of the State, and their succes- 
sors, a perpetual existence as a body corporate, with 
powers which could not be impaired witliout their own 
consent. Consequently, a portion at least appear to 
have arrived at the conclusion, that it was an act of 
impertinence in non-freeholders, even to petition for 
the right of suffrage. And It is a fact iliat every 
attempt to call a convention, or to modify the election 
laws, was made in consequence of resolutions offered 
by members of the Assembly, and not in compliance 
with the prayers of petitions and memorials. 

During the whole controversy, for more than a 
quarter of a century, the portion of the people of the 
state opposed to an extension of the elective franchise, 
planted themselves firmly on the ground of chartered 
rights, denying the doctrine of the natural right of any 
man to participate in the affairs of government, and 
utterly disclaiming the doctrine, that the con-free- 
holder acquired any other rights by the revolution 
which severed this couutiy from Great Britian, 
than those vouchsafed to him by the British Monarch, 
under the charter. This party maintained the doc- 
trine that the right of suffrage was a social and acquir- 
ed right ; emanating from the conditions of the original 



CONCISE HISTORY. 21 

compact of the body corporate and politic ; that that 
body alone had the authority to modify or change it, 
and that no others could of right become members 
with them, and parties to the compact, or be endowed 
with the privileges of freemen, without their consent. 
When complaint was made by those who were denied 
the right of suffrage, they were told that the qualifica- 
tion demanded by law was of trifling amount, that the 
safety of the state required the voter to possess an in- 
terest in the soil, and that those who did not like the 
condition, were not compelled to remain ander the 
state jurisdiction. 

On the otlier hand, the argument has been, that, 
though previous to the revolution tlie political power 
vested, under the Charter, in the Company alone, yet 
that the revolution destroyed the colonial government, 
annulled the Charter, and resolved society into its 
original elements: — That natural right and natural 
equality were restored: — Tliat the Declaration of 
Independence, and the Constitution of the United 
States, recotmised and enforced the same doctrine: — 
That every free citizen was entitled to the elective 
franchise : — And that the State would be as safe 
under the operation of such a system, as though the 
right to vote was coupled with an interest in the soil. 

The foregoing is, to be sure, but a bird's-eye view 
of the arguments advanced on either side of this 
question, but it presents the general outlines ; and 
any one of common reflection, may readily discovei: 
the tendencies of the whole. These texts have 
served as the subjects of discussion for more than 



22 CONCISE HISTORY. 

twenty years ; during which period, oceans of ink 
have been shed, and scores o[ speeches made, to 
estabhsh, first one side, and then the oiher. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The question of Suffrage was not suffered to slum- 
ber for a great length of time, after its fancied strangu- 
lation in 1829. About tlie year 1833, or possibly 
some time in 183*2, immediately after the Presidential 
election, the subject was again resuscitated. The 
question was brouglit up anew in the city of Provi- 
dence, at first by a jmall number of persons mostly 
mechanics, and nearly, if not all, non-freeholders. 
The Town House was put in requisition, and weekly 
meetings were held, and well attended, and speeches 
made on the great question. Tliese meetings were 
generally addressed by mechanics and working-men, 
in set speeches, which exhibited very considerable 
talent ; and though often pretty highly spiced with 
satire and sarcasm, afforded evidence that those who 
delivered them had ielt ruuch, and tliought much, if 
they had not learned much. It was fashionable then, 
as well as now, to give to the land-holders the appel- 
lation of aristocrats and rufiied-shirt gentiy ; and the 
speakers and their associates prided themselves in 
occupying an opposite standing. Hence, they fre- 
quently appeared in the desk, at least some of them, 
arrayed in green baize jackets, to address the audi- 



CONCISE HlSTORy. 23 

ence ; and to illustrate the feeling still farther, in a 
correspondence with Hon. John Q. Adams, and Hon. 
Francis Baylies, in May, 1833, the committee of 
correspondence designate themselves as follows : — 
William J. Tillinghast, Barber — Lawrence 
Richards, Blacksmith -^Wm. Mitchell, Shoemn- 
Tcer — Seth Luther, iifoHse Carpenter — Wm. Mil- 
ler, Currier — David Brown, IVntck and Clock 
Maker. Tliis fact is of no farther importance, than 
merely to show the feeling that actuated the persons 
engaged at first in the attempt at that lime, to obtain 
an extension of sulTrage. But very few freeholders 
united with the party, and the mode of action was, to 
operate on public feeling and opinion. Subsequenlly, 
however, several of the members of the bar united 
themselves with the party ; among whom, was Thom- 
as W. Dorr ; and the afiair assumed a new aspect. 

In May, 1833, a circular was issued by the party, 
which had been adopted in a public meeting, and 
signed, Seth Luther, Chairman, and William J. 
Tillinghast, Secretary. The doctrine set forth in 
tliis document, as that of the party, \\'as, free suffrage. 
An exjyianation of tlie phrase however was given, as 
they understood it, not as unconditional universal 
suffrage, but such as is designated in the Constitution 
of Massachusetts: — That American citizens should 
be allowed to vote on condition of a specific resi- 
dence in the State, and the payment of taxes. In 
the same year, a petition w^as presented to the Gen- 
eral Assembly, from Cbarles Randall and others in 
the town of Warren, in accordance with the doctrine 



24 CONCISE HISTORY. 

of the abov^e circular, which was referred to a select 
committee, and which, at a subsequent session, met 
with the same fate as its predecessors had done in the 
year 18-29. But the result was different. The party 
had now been organized ; and though not as yet 
strong either in numbers or energies, it had acquired a 
hold on life, from which it was not to be shaken by 
the unfavorable decioion of a legislative committee. 

Not long after the above period, in the spring 
of 1834, and after Mr. Dorr had taken the field, it 
was determined to make preparation for a State Con- 
vention, the object of which was to confer together, 
and to draw up, and to lay l)efore the people, the 
outlines of a constitution. It v/as also determined to 
make an appeal through the ballot-box. The con- 
vention was called. It assembled and acted. And 
the provisions relative to representation and the elec- 
tive franchise recommended by that body, were simi- 
lar to those Vvdiich had been put forth by the party. 
The appeal to the ballot-box of course failed ; but 
from time to time the effort was continued, until the 
summer of 1837 : when the Constitutional Party, as it 
Was then called, brought out a number of votes some- 
what less than seven hundred. This was the last 
expiring effort, and with its failure, terminated the 
existence of the party. It is not how^ever to be un- 
derstood that the cause for which the constitutionalists 
contended, had lost ground, or that the friends of a 
constitution and an extension of suffrage had yielded 
their opinions, or diminished in number. The con- 
trary is the fact; and, from 1833 to 1837, greater 



CONCISE HISTORY. 25 

advances liad been made towards the accomplishment 
of the object, than had been made in twenty years 
before. But it was a period of high political excite- 
ment. Most of the 'active members of the Constitu- 
tional Party were also members of one or the other 
of the two political parties of the day. Tlie success 
of . the constitutionalists, if not highly doubtful, 
appeared very remote, and political considerations 
demanded immediate action. For these reasons, 
many members of the party could not be prevailed 
on to vote for the constitutional candidates, and Went 
to the polls and voted for others. And thus was the 
party disbanded in 1837, at a period when, strange as 
it may appear, it had probably increased threefold, if 
not fourfold, in numbej-s, talents, and moral energy 
in the short space of four years. 

During the period to which we have alluded above, 
the General Assembly had not been idle. That body 
kept its eye on the current of events, and, for some 
reason, at their June session, 1834, adopted a resolu- 
tion to call a convention to amend the Charter or 
make a constitution. Mr. Dorr, who was then a 
member of the House, proposed an amendment to 
the resolution, by which all native resident citizens of 
the State who had, within the year, paid a lax on the 
amount of one hundred and thirty-four dollars of real 
or personal estate, should be allowed to vote for dele- 
gates to the convention. The amendment was sub- 
jected to the ordeal of a long debate, and was finally 
rejected ; only jour me nbers voting for the amend- 
ment, and fiftv-eight atrainst it. The four who voted 



26 CONCISE HISTORY. 

for it, were, Thomas W. Dorr, of Providence, Levi 
Haile, [now on ihe bench of the Supreme Court,] of 
Warren, Otis Mason, of Cumberland, and John H. 
Weeden, of North Providence. The convention was 
ordered to meet at Providence on the first day of Sep- 
tember, 1834; and the delegates to constitute the 
body, were elected at the regular town meetings in 
August previous. 

It is unpleasant to question the sincerity even of an 
individual ; and much more so to doubt the good faith 
of a solemn deliberative body. But, as a faithful his- 
torian, we are bound to state honest convictions, be 
they what they may. The General Assembly, in 
this instance, gave too n:iuch reason for the inference 
which many drew from their conduct on the occasion, 
that the call lor a convention was a sham movement, 
designed to amuse that portion of the citizens of the 
state, who were loud in their demands for a constitu- 
tion and an extension of suffrage. ]\[uch of the lan- 
guage uttered in debate was of a bitter, sarcastic, and 
contemptuous character; and manifested a disposition 
on the part of the speakers, to resist, at all hazards, 
every attempt to meet the wishes of those who thought 
themselves aggrieved, and who demanded redress. 
To crown the whole, the members of the convention 
were required to serve ivithout pay ; a measure which 
every one was confident would either prevent the hold- 
ing of a convention at all, or constitute one, of a class 
of men who would do nothing when they should as- 
semble. But, contrary to the expectations of many, 
the body, or at least a quorum, did assemble at the 



CONCISE HISTORY. 27 

time appointed. They drew up, and nearly conipleted 
a constitution, in vvliich, however, instead of extending 
the right of suffrage, they secured the old system by 
stronger guards. The convention held together for 
two weeks; but during the second week, found itself 
in a quick consumption by a rapid diminution of num- 
bers, and finally, for the icniit of a quorum, iidjouined, 
to meet again on the second day of November follow- 
ing. In the interim, the body died a natural death, 
and was never resuscitated. And thus the affair 
ended. In this convention, seven towns out of thirty- 
one, were unrepresented — viz: — Scituate, Foster, 
Barrington, West Greenwich, Richmond, New Shore- 
ham, and Charlestown. 

Affairs remained in this posture, till the January 
session of the General Assembly, 1836. At that 
session, the law relating to the elective franchise was 
remodelled. No change however was made in the 
principle, and the old qualifications were retained ! 
The only object attem])ted to be gained, was to fruard 
the polls more effectually against frauds. 

On this occasion, t\\'o attempts were made to modify 
the voting qualification. Mr. Luther, of Warren, a 
firm and undeviating friend of an extension of suffrao-e, 
moved an amendment to admit to the right to vote at 
elections persons who paid a tax on any species of 
property of the value of ti^250. Messrs. Luther and 
Dorr were the only persons who voted for it. 

Mr. Dorr moved another amendment, by which a 
man's real estate might qualify as many of his sons. 



28 CONCISE HISTORY. 

" as there were times ^'134 in the value of the said 
estate. " The same two members, only voted for that. 
It is not to be inferred from this, however, that these 
two persons were the only members of the Assembly 
who favored an extension of suffrage. There were 
others ; but some thought, no doubt, that such amend- 
ments would be of little or no utility, and others, as 
has long, if not always, been the case, thought the rep- 
resentatives had no right to change the qualification 
required as a condition for the exercise of the electiv'e 
franchise, \siihout express instructions to that effect 
from their constituents. 



CHAPTER V. 

After the dispersion of the Constitutional Party in 
1837, little was lieard on the suffrage question, for 
some time. The bank question, the monetary con- 
cerns of the country, and the questions of state and 
national politics, absorbed, or at least obscured all 
other subjects ; and the suffrage question in Rhode 
Island, shared the common fate, and was, for a time, 
swallowed up in the vortex. But it was not dead. 
Tlie flame had only been smothered, and awaited but 
the favorable moment, to burst out afresh, and to burn 
with renewed vigor. In February, 1840, the subject 
was again called up by a few men without wealth, 



CONCISE HISTORY* 2^ 

with no pretensions to learning, in the usual accepta- 
tion of the term, with little or no popular influence, 
and without any apparent preconcerted measures or 
mode of action. In fact, the question was of that 
character, and the object one which a portion of the 
people had so long cherished with the most devoted 
zeal and attachment, that it needed none of these em- 
bellishments to give it currency, and to press it with 
renewed energy. The first meeting was composed of 
less than twenty persons, of the description already 
named. They determined to move onward, and took 
every precaution to avoid an entanglement with the 
political parties of the day ; a determination which, 
had it been religiously adhered to, would have placed 
the Suffrage Party on a more elevated, and successful 
ground, then they now occupy. The meetings were 
continued from week to week, and the attendants rap- 
idly increased in numbers. Siill, leading politicians, 
and freeholders, generally, stood aloof, and for a long 
time the party consisted almost entirely of mechanics 
and workinguien, in the humbler walks of life. After 
having, as was thought, obtained sufficient strength 
to take the field, and to commence operations, it was 
determined to embody the party, then confined to the 
city of Providence as far as visible identity was con- 
cerned, into a regularly constituted society, or associa- 
tion. Accordingly, a committee was appointed to 
concert measures for that purpose ; who, at a very full 
meeting held on the evening of March 27, 1840, re- 
ported a " Preamble and Constitution of the 
Rhode Island Suffrage Association. " 
3 



so CONCISE HISTORY. 

The document was unanimously adopted. A ques- 
tion then arose, as to whom the Association would 
accept as American citizens within the limits of their 
intentions as to an extension of suffrage. And after 
considerable debate on the subject, it was finally con- 
cluded to receive as members, only Native horn ivhite 
male citizens of the United States. Thus, the Asso- 
ciation established it at the commencement of their 
existence, that the object they had in view, was, '•' a 
liberal extension of suffrage to the native ivhite male 
citizens of the United States, resident in Rhode Island. 
Free Suffrage, more properly universal suffrage, was 
very generally repudiated by them, either on the 
ground of expediency, policy, or principle, though it 
is true that some advocated and insisted on it. The 
.'•Preamble and Constitution" was very numerously 
signed, the Association was organized under it. and 
the meetings continued till some time in the summer 
of that year; when it was concluded to postpone far- 
ther operations till Autumn. Meantime the heated 
contest for the Presidential chair came on ; and to 
avoid the interference of political party politics with 
the suffrage question, operations were still farther sus- 
pended, till after the heat of the political warfare should 
have passed away. It was not till some time in 
November of that year, that, the suffrage association 
again took the field. 

Hitherto great pains were taken to guard against all 
party political influences ; and, on the part of many, 
the desire to do so still continued ; but it is about as 
easy to escape the contagion of the Plague in an 



CONCISE HISTORY. 31 

infected house, as the Icindncss, the sympathy, and the 
aid, of high toned pohtieians, when they fancy they 
can make any thing out of you. Accordingly after 
the ilite of certain men. had been decided by the elec 
tion of 1840, and they had found themselves disen- 
cumbered of the affairs of state, they came to the 
conclusion that the suffrage cause would afford them a 
very convenient liobby, ready saddled and bridled; 
and by mounting which, though nothing could be lost, 
somelliing might be gained. And it would be a very 
interesting and edifying work, would our limited space 
admit of it, to relate the sudden and wonderful con- 
versions which occurred in a few siiort months. To 
tell who, and how many, previously as tenacious of 
the landed qualification as the veriest aristocrat in the 
state, became all at once convinced that free suffrage 
was a necessary attribute of democracy, and that every 
one who denied the doctrine, must of necessity be a 
confirmed aristocrat, a foe to American liberty, and a 
decided opponent to any thing bearing the impress of 
Republican Equality. So w^onderful \vas the change 
effected that these new converts were perfectly aston- 
ished that the suffrage party should have stopped short 
of unconditional universal suffrage ; and their wide 
spread sympathy, and extensive benevolence, could 
see no way by whicl) a citizen of the United States 
resident in Rhode Island, native or foreign born, 
except he wore a colored sX'in, could be rightfully 
excluded from the ballot box. That such perfectly 
pure patriots were entirely free from all interested 
motives^ especially when they so declared themselves 



32 CONCISE HISTORY, 

it would be almost sacrilegious to doubt. One thing 
however is very certain. Most of them had ever been 
opposed to an extension of suffrage ; and the party to 
which they belonged, had held the reins of govern- 
ment in their hands more than one half the time for 
twenty years, without ever, in the whole time, having 
made a single move to promote the object. Six of 
the seven towns which refused to send delegates to 
the Convention of 1834 were under the control of the 
same party ; the same party had a decided majority 
in the House in 1836, when the election law was 
remodeled ; an act emanating from the pen of a mem 
ber of that party, and which w^as introduced into, and 
which passed in the House, before it went to the 
Senate. Furthermore, it is well known that a large 
majority of that party, up to the autumn of 1840, was 
opposed to an extension of suffrage; to say nothing of 
free suffrage ; and yet, within some six months after the 
Presidential Election of that year, such a remarkable 
change of opinion occurred, that an extension of 
suffrage became a portion of their political belief; and 
in about a twelve month, free, unconditional, and 
universal suffrage, became the watch-word with most 
of them — I say unconditional — that is, except the 
skin of the citizen were colored. 

No fault can be reasonably found with the parly for 
having become converts to the suffrage cause. They 
had a perfect right to do so. Whether sincere, or 
otherwise is a matter for them to settle. Had they 
followed up the plan laid out by the suffrage associa- 
tion, to act by means of petitions, memorials, and 



CONCISE HISTORV. 33 

appeals to the people, to the ballot box, and to the 
constituted authorities of the nation, all would have 
been well. But, as will be seen in the sequel, they 
preferred a different course. 

By the spring of 1841, suffrage associations auxiliary 
to the parent body, had been formed in various parts 
of the state. On the 18th of April in that year, a 
very numerous mass meeting of the party was held in 
Providence. And on that occasion, several leaders 
of the democratic party mounted the badge of the as- 
sociation, for the first time identifying themselves with 
it, and showing themselves either in the procession or 
elsewhere in the streets. On the 5th of May follow- 
ing, a similar meeting was held at Newport. On that 
occasion, it was resolved that preparatory measures 
should be instituted for the call of a convention to 
form a constitution. A conmiittee was accordinfjlv 
appointed. On the 5th day of July following, another 
mass convention was held at Providence ; when the 
state committee was instructed to call a convention 
forthwith. We must now pause a moment in our 
course, to bring up another portion of our history, to 
the time of which we are speaking. 



CHAPTER VL 

At the January session of the General Assembly, 

1841, a petition was presented, from the town of 
3* 



34 CONCISE HISTORY. 

Smithfield, for an addition to her representation. The 
discussion of this subject brought up the whole ques- 
tion. That subject was postponed, with the under- 
standing that, at a subsequent session, measures would 
be adopted to arrange the whole question, by conven- 
tion, or in some other way. At the same session, a 
petition was presented, of an individual character, for 
a constitution, extension of suffrage, &;c. In June, 
the same year, and previous to the 4th of July mass 
meeting at Providence, the Assembly resolved to call 
a convention, to amend the Charter, or to form a con- 
stitution. The design of those who had now foisted 
themselves on the suffrage party from the democratic 
party, as leaders, became apparent. It was, to step 
in between the Legislature, the convention called 
under the authority of that body, and the people : — 
To anticipate the doings of the convention: — To 
assume to themselves the character and authority of 
guardians of the people: — To erect a form of gov- 
ernment to suit themselves, and to favor their pur- 
poses of individual and parly ambition: — To estab- 
lish it by numerical force — And thus to bring the 
legal authority lo their feet. Accordingly, the State 
Committee came together on the 20th day of July, 
for the purpose for which they had received instruc- 
tions from the mass convention at Providence, on the 
afth. 

And now we shall learn how^ the system was car- 
ried out, and on what principle. The General 
Assembly had directed that the delegates to the con- 
vention authorised by that body, should be elected on 



CONCISE HISTORY, 35 

the 31st day of August. The committee directed 
that the delegates to the People's Convention, as it 
was called, should be elected on the 28ih of the same 
month ; three days previous. The convention author- 
ised by the General Assembly in June, were ordered 
to meet on Monday, jXovember '2, 1841, The Peo- 
ple's Convention, so called, or the convention called 
by the State Committee, re-assembled by adjournment, 
November 16th, 1841 ; and completed their constitu- 
tion, and gave it out to be voted on by the people, 
commencing December 27th, 1811, when they knew 
the other convention had adjourned to ascertain the 
wishes of the people, as they had declared, and were 
not to reassemble till Monday, February 14th, 1842. 
And the People's Convention assembled for the third 
time, on Wednesday, January 12th, 1842, and de- 
clared that their constitution had been adopted, and 
should be maintained, more than a month before the 
other convention held their second meeting to com- 
plete their labors. Thus the leaders of the suffrage 
party carried out their plans for taking precedence of 
the government and the convention called by it : to 
supercede the action of those bodies, and to prevent 
the people from adopting and sustaining any constitu- 
tion but their own. This, to say the least of it, was 
indecent haste; and when the object is considered, it 
may be entitled to a worse appellation than that. 

Early in the commencement of the campaign by 
the Suffrage Association, it had been tacitly adopted 
by the members, though there was no official act of 
that purport, thtrt, after having made use of memorials, 



36 CONCISE HISTORY. 

petitions, and the ballot-box, and fourd tbeni unavail- 
ing, they would be fully justified, as a last resort, in 
the fonnation of a constitution and government inde- 
pendently of legislative action, and in instituting 
measures to test the validity of their claims, either in 
Congress, by the election of Representatives to claim 
seats in that body, or in the Supreme Court of the 
United States by the performance of Some judicial 
act. That course was generally anticipated. When 
the State Committee met in July, 1841, they were 
reminded of this determination ; and, to some of the 
members of that body, out of doors, if not to the 
assembled body in conclave, it was distinctly stated 
and argued, that no memorial or petition had been 
presented by the Association, to the General Assem- 
bly : — That no appeal had been made to the ballot- 
box: — And that not a single pledge of the body had 
been redeemed. ]t was farther stated and argued, 
that whatever right the people might eventually have 
to act in their primary sovereign capacity, no such 
right of action could exist, while a convention was 
actually in existence, and about to proceed to the dis- 
charge of their duties, which, for ought that was then 
known, might result in a satisfactory adjustment of 
the great question at issue. The doctrine was en- 
forced, that no body of men, however numerous and 
powerful, had the right to ride over the laws to seek 
redress, until all probable peaceable means had been 
tried, not one of which had been put in requisition 
during the pendency of this question. The only 
reply was, that the Landholder's Convention would 



CONCISE HISTORY. 37 

do nothing to redress the grievances of the great body 
of the people, and that the committee were deter- 
mined to interpose, to prevent them from doing any- 
thing. Argument was in vain. The majority pre- 
vailed, and the work \vas commenced. 

After the People's Convention had nearly com- 
pleted the labors of their second session, they were 
warned on the same principles stated to the committee 
before, not to offer their constitution to the people for 
their action, until the Landholder's Convention should 
have consummated their labors. But argument was 
of as little avail with that body, as with the State 
Comn)ittee ; and they proceeded, with the determina- 
tion to carry their points at all hazards ; and, as after- 
wards publicly resolved, by "a// necessary meansJ^ 
The issue we have seen. 



CHAPTER VII. 

While the above proceedings were going on, on 
the part of the People's Convention, the convention 
of the Landholders were pursuing the even tenor of 
their way. As before stated, that body assembled, as 
by law required, on the 2nd day of November, [the 
first was nominally the day of meeting] 1841, in the 
city of Providence. They proceeded to the execu- 
tion of the duties assigned them ; and, after a good 
deal of debate on various propositions, drew up the 



38 CONCISE HISTORY. 

outlines of a constitution. It was seen by a large 
number of the members, that the peiiuci had arrived 
when liberal concessions must be made to the unen- 
franchised portion of the community ; as even a large 
proportion of the freeholders were now supposed to 
be in favor of such a course. Besides, a very re- 
spectable minority of that body were known to be in 
Hivor of an extension of suOVsgc, and the equalization 
of representation in the State. But the minority of 
the freemen were represented by a majority of dele- 
gates, and the prejudices, ])repossessions, and interests 
of the southern portions of the State prevailed ; and 
tbe consequence was, that no change worth naming, 
was made at this session, in tlie system of suffrage. 
Notbing final was bowever then done; and, in order 
to complete their labors in a manner to give general 
satisfaction if possible, the convention adjourned on 
tbe 13th of November, with tbe avowed intention of 
laying tiieir doings before the people, and consulting 
tbeir wishes. The outlines of the constitution were 
printed and distributed through the State. 

During the recess, as has already been noticed, the 
People's Constitution had been completed, given out 
to the people, and declared by the convention wbich 
bad framed it, to have been ado})ted by tbe people by 
a large majority ; including also a majority of the 
freemen or qualified voters under the law. The qual- 
ification for voters required by tbe People's Conven- 
tion, may be seen by reference to their constitution. 
Art. 2. Sec. 1. The Landholder's Convention re-as- 
sembled by adjournment, as already stated, Feb, 14th, 



CONCISE JJISTORY. 39 

1842. While amcng their constituents, at home, they 
had heard the suffiage and con.^titutional questions 
freely and fully discussed. They had also seen the 
result of the vote on the People's Constitution. And 
the convention came together the second time, fully 
satisfied that a radical change in the existing system 
was imperatively demanded and fully prepared to 
make it. Accordingly they set to work in earnest ; 
and, on Saturday, February 19th, 1842, completed 
the work of revising their constitution, in which, it 
will be seen by reference to Art. 2, Sec. S, they de- 
termined to admit to the exercise of the right of suf- 
frage, every American-born citizen, twenty-one years 
of age and upwards; requiring, as the only qualifica- 
tion, a residence within the State and town, for a cer- 
tain period. This constitution was immediatel}- pub- 
lished ; and many thousand copies of it were promptly 
distributed in every portion of the State. It was 
ordered to be voted on by the people, on the 21st, 
22nd and 23rd days of March, 1842. 

Previous to the election of delegates to the Peo- 
ple's Convention, a system of lecturing had been 
adopted by the Suffrage Association. Regular meet- 
ings of the original body had been kept up for a long 
time in the city of Providence. They were held 
weekly on Friday evenings, at the Town House, and 
addressed from time to time, by various persons. At 
the period we have been speaking of above, the same, 
or a similar system, had been adopted in other places ; 
and lecturers were sent out from Providence in every 
direction, and constantly employed. These lecturers 



40 CONCISE HISTORY. 

were, or at least most of tliem, men possessed of the 
talent for addressing a popular assembly, above medi- 
ocrity. But their minds were comparatively untrained 
and undisciplined, in relation to the important question 
at issue. They had tliought, but had not studied ; 
and when they attempted to enlighten the minds of 
others, they wielded the weapons of irony, sarcasm, 
and invective, alternately to excite ridicule, or merri- 
ment, or to inflame the passions. Particularly after 
political partizans had obtained the partial control of 
affairs, the great object appeared to be, to carry the 
citadel by stoim ; and that was only to be done by 
presenting the landholders as aristocrats, and the foes 
of human liberty, and holding them up to view as 
objects of detestation. With the materials to operate 
and the implements to operate w^itli, but little effort 
was necessary, especially when aided by political 
partizan animosity, to a createspirit of deadly hostility 
in an assembled throng ; and arms, and blood, and 
threats of vengeance soon became as familiar, even 
in public meetings, as household words. 

When the Landholders' Constitution was given out 
to the people, it became a question among the opposite 
party, whether they should take the field and attempt 
to prevent its adoption, or stand aloof, and take no 
part in the contest. Thomas W. Dorr, who had now 
become one of the most active managers in the party, 
was in favor of the latter course. He insisted that the 
People's Constitution had become the paramount law 
of the land ; and that its friends should refuse to have 
any thing to do with lh6 other, as by eveh voting 



CONCISE HISTORS". 4l 

against it, they would, in some sense, recognise the 
paramount authority of the convention which framed 
it. With him, a great many others agreed ; and some 
of them boldly declared that they would sooner shoulder 
their muskets, and wade knee deep in blood, than 
submit to such a measure. There were others who 
thought best to take the field asjainst the Landholders' 
Constitution and to vote it down, in order to have it 
entirely out of the way, that the party might have a 
clear stage for action. Others again who had voted 
for the People's Constitution, as a mere expression of 
opinion, and who held themselves at perfect liberty to 
act on the Landholder's Constitution as they might 
deem proper, took no counsel of either of the two 
factions in the suffrage party, and determined to follow 
.the dictates of their own judgment. 

After considerable deliberation on the subject, the 
voting policy prevailed ; and it w^as determined to 
make all due preparation to attack the landholders at 
the polls, and to ensure their defeat. The plans were 
soon laid, and all the necessary machinery put in oper- 
ation to carry them out. The lecturers schooled 
themselves anew; and now turned their arms against 
the new constitution ; leaving the old charter, the 
former goblin of tbe party to a temporary slumber 
and repose, Mr. Dorr led on the attack, with the 
publication of his thirty reasons, or more, against the 
constitution ; some of which were good and substantial, 
and others of which, were quite as fatal to his own 
constitution, as to this. These reasons became the 
text book of the itinerant lecturers ; and they were 
4 



42 CONCISE HISTORY. 

handled, and turned, and twisted, and metamorphosed, 
into as many shapes, and with as much adroitness, to 
suit purposes, and times, and places, as any passage 
of sacred writ that ever had the misfortune to fall into 
the hands of one of Cromwell's Roundheads. To 
give a practical illustration of this fact, we will advert 
to one simple expedient, which no doubt changed 
votes enough to defeat the constitution. True, it 
does not speak very loudly for the honesty of the 
lecturers, nor the intelligence of the people who were 
deceived by them. But, be that as it may, it is nev- 
ertheless true to the letter; and 'may serve to show 
what some men can do with some other men, when 
some are dishonest, and some others ignorant. 

The State of Rhode Island is of small extent, and 
so situated that, from all parts of it, people are in the 
habit of visiting those parts bordering on the ocean, 
or skirted by bays and rivers, for the purpose of pleas- 
ure excursions, as well as many for profit, and tiiking 
shellfish, and scale fish, with which our shores and 
waters abound. This is considered a great privilege, 
and is highly valued by our citizens. In order that 
the constitution should curtail no right or privilege the 
inhabitants enjoyed before, the framers of the constitu- 
tion inserted the following -— Art. 1. Sec. 13. "The 
citizens shall continue to enjoy, and freely to exercise 
the rights of fishery, and all other rights to which they 
have been heretofore entitled under the charter of this 
state, except as is herein otherwise provided. " From 
the last clause of the section, " except as herein other- 
wise provided, " many were persuaded to believe they 



COxNCISE HISTORY. - 43 

were cut off from the rights of fishery, though the 
constitution contained not another syllable on the sub- 
ject ; and many others, not drean)ing that a shellfish 
was a fish, supposed the constitution prohibited them 
from abstracting a clam from its gravelly resting place, 
except it were located on their own premises ! The 
majority against the constitution was but about seven 
hundred, and no doubt enough w^ere induced to vote 
against it on the above weighty consideration, to have 
turned the scale the other way, had they been left to 
act without interference on the subject of the fishery. 
Other influences equally unfounded m truth were 
brought to bear by the party, and the constitution was 
lost. 

If the suffrage party acted from lipnest motives, and 
no doubt a very large proportion of them did, no 
fault can be found with them, or at least no blame 
can be attached to them, for using all honest means 
to procure the rejection of a constitution they disliked. 

By reference to the constitution, it w^ill also be seen, 
that a landed qualification was demanded of naturaliz- 
ed foreigners, and a longer residence in the state than 
was required far native born American citizens. 
This constituted one of the great objections on the 
part of the suffrage party, who contended that, accord- 
ing to the constitution of the United States, the state 
had no right to make a difference between a native 
and naturalized citizen. The government party con- 
tended that the United States constitution did not 
touch the subject — That the state had the right to 
receive or reject whom it pleased, from abroad — And 



44 CONCISE History. 

the free admission of naturalized foreigners to the 
ballot-box, would prove detrimental to the Interests of 
the state. 

But there are many things connected with this 
affair, which we are bound to notice in this place; and 
having done which, the reader will be left to make up 
judgment for himself. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

That the freeholders of the state had long and 
determinately opposed all attempts at innovation on 
the ancient system of government, has already been 
seen. That the operation of the suffrage laws, and 
the unequal representative system, had become -an 
actual hardship and grievance to a large body of re- 
spectable non-freeholders, and to the northern portion 
of the state, is not to be denied. 

The question is, had the crises arrived, when after 
the application and failure of all legal and peaceable 
means, the people were compelled either to submit 
forever to the operation of arbitrary and tyranical laws, 
or to seek redress by means of their own choice. 
This point is an all important one in the present con- 
troversy, and should be correctly understood. The 
reader therefore is respectfully solicited to give it par- 
ticular attention. 

It will be acknowledged on all hands, that nothing 
but necessity can justify a majority however great in 



CONCISE HISTORr. 45 

pursuing revolutionary measures ; and that necessity, 
as we have intimated in the commencement, is not 
created by oppression, but by the final refusal of the 
government to remove that oppression, after the proper 
application, through all the usual modes of approach- 
ing the Legislative body. Such applications, as has 
been already stated, had been several times made ; 
and the demand as often refused to be granted ; and 
too often in a discourteous manner. But the govern- 
ment, with at least a show of reason, always sheltered 
itself behind the fact, that the petitions, memorals, he, 
bore the names of but very few indeed of the legal 
voters of the state, and only an extremely small 
minority of the whole people. True or false there- 
fore as the supposition may have been in itself, it 
must be confessed that the inference was warranted 
by the circumstances, that the opposition to the exist- 
ing system found a place only in the breasts of a few, 
while the great body of the people were satisfied with 
it. On this ground therefore, as well as on the ground 
of corporate rights, and of prescription, the General 
Assembly rested. And on this ground also, not onlv 
that body, but the conventions, refused to extend suf- 
frage. 

In this posture; and without any attempt at revolu- 
tion, affairs remained up to March, 1840, when the 
suffrage association w^as formed. They begun de novo ; 
and laid down a plan of operations perfectly legal, 
and embracing all the proper peaceable means to 
obtain redress of grievances. These failing, it was 
the common understanding among the members, that 



46 CONCISE HISTORY. 

an appeal was to be made to the last resort, on the 
plea of necessity. Had that course been pursued, 
the affair would have assumed a different aspect from 
what it now presents. The preamble to the constitu- 
tion of that body, has the following declaration, 

^- God helping, we solemnly pledge ourselves, inde- 
pendently of a]l the political parties and principles of 
the day, except the great principles of American free- 
dom, steadily to pursue our object till our purpose 
shall have been accomplished, and we find ourselves 
reinstated in the rights which heaven bequeathed us, 
and which the American Constitution guarantees. " 

In accordance with this lan(2;uao;e, the association 
appeal to Heaven for the justice of their cause ; and 
then say, 

^' Next, to the whole ]>eople of Rhode Island, to aid 
our efforts through the medium of the ballot box." 

This appeal was never made ; and thus one peace- 
able mode of redress was omitted. 

The association then say, "Next, to the General 
Assembly of the state, to do us justice," - And that 
appeal was never made ; for no petition, memorial, or 
remonstrance, of the association, was ever presented 
to the General Assembly ; and no effort directed to 
that object, was ever made, by them. The only 
petitions (o the Assembly, on the subjects of suffrage 
and representation, presented during the whole contro- 
versy, was the petition of the town of Smithfield, 
already noticed, and several from Elisha Dillingham 
and 579 others for a constitution, he, [See Appendix.] 
With the former, the association had nothing lo do • 



CONCISE HISTORY. 47 

and the latter, they disclaimed and repudiated. Thus, 
the second and most essential of the peaceable modes 
of seeking redress of greviences by law, was omitted 
and condemned, and the solemn pledge of the asso- 
ciation violated. 

The petition of Dillingham was presented at the 
January session of the Assembly, previous to the 
Suffrage Mass INIeeting at Newport, 1841 ; while the 
Smilhfield petition was still pending, in reference to 
which, it was generally anticipated that some leo-isla- 
tive action would be had, in order to effect a legal 
change in the system of the State government. It is 
equally worthy of note, that, with these indications, 
the mass meetmg convened in May, hastened to 
appoint a State Committee, with powers to call a 
convention to frame a constitution. And that the 
same committee was instructed to call a convention 
after the Assembly had is->ued a call for a similar 
body. The remainder of the proceedings of that 
committee and its convention, we have already no- 
ticed. The reader will very naturally inquire, where 
is the proof in all this history of proceedings, of the 
necessity of revolution on the part of the suffrage 
party, seeing a legal constitutional convention had 
already been called ? Why not await the result ? 
Then there might have been a greater show of neces- 
sity for the independent action of the people. The 
reader has the facts, and must make his own com- 
ments. We will however state the reasons assigned 
by the suffrage party themselves, at the time. 

One reason assigned, was, that, petition after petir 



48 CONCISE HISTORY. 

tion had been before presented to the Legislature, and 
unceremoniously rejected ; and as tliat body had 
hitherto spurned all overtures of that description, it 
was taken for granted that they would still continue 
to do so ; and that nothing was to be hoped for from 
that quarter. Therefore the party refused to apply. 
They seem to have forgotten tliat their movements 
had no connexion with former ones : — That they 
had commenced the work anew, which made it 
their duty to go over the whole ground, as much as 
though it had never been trodden before: — And 
that, in refusing to do so, they violated their own 
solemn pledge given at first. Nor did they appear to 
recollect that, since 1836, a great change might have 
occurred, and actually had occurred, in public opinion 
and feeling ; and that the subject on which they were 
engaged, was then before the General Assembly, with 
a fair prospect of receiving proper attention ; and 
which would have been rendered almost certain, had 
the petitions of Dillingham and others, been bucked up 
with others from all those in the State, favorable to a 
written constitution, and an extension of suffrage. 
Nor does it appear ever to have entered their minus 
that, even had the aggrieved party the right to seek 
redress by revolutionary means, the Legislature and 
the constituents of that body, had at least an equal 
right to be appealed to, and to be made acquainted 
with the views, wishes, and ultimate determination of 
the paity, that they might have at least the opportu- 
nity to grant redress, and thus to prevent the necessity 
for the evils of revolution. 



CONCISE HISTORY. 49 

Another reason stated, was, that, if the work of 
forming a constitution was left to the Legislature and 
the convention called by that body, probably if any 
thing was done, it would be some half-way affair, 
designed merely to satisfy a majority, and which, hav- 
ing been adopted by that majority, would deprive the 
minority of their rights, or rather, withhold them. 

Such were the principal reasons assigned most fre- 
quently ; but the true reason was, that a few ambitious 
men who had become the cliief counsellors of the 
suffrage party, the master spirit among whom, was 
Thomas W. Dorr, had resolved to revolutionize the 
State, and to form a government to suit themselves. 
They had determined, and before the close of the 
final session of the Landholder's Convention so ex- 
pressed themselves, that they would accept of no 
constitution from that body, not even if it were framed 
by their own convention. It was on that principle, 
and on that alone, that the suffrage party v/ent against 
the Landholder's Constitution, without reference to its 
merits or demeiits. 

It is true the objection was made, that the General 
Assembly had refused to allow any but freeholders to 
vote for delegates — and also that the system of rep- 
resentation, was still unequal. The first of these 
objections of course, is idle ; because the constitution 
should have been judged and adopted or rejected, not 
with reference to the persons who made it, but on its 
own merits. The second objection had more weight ; 
but that, and all others had no effect, except that the 



50 CONCISE HISTORY. 

constitution was not that made by the People's Con- 
vention, and was not given out by that body. 

In all these proceedings, as in all other cases of 
heated parlizan warfare, the great mass of the suf- 
frage party acted under the impulse of excitement; 
and it is hazarding nothing, to say that many of them 
at least, were entirely unacquainted with the true 
objects of their leaders, or the rules and principles on 
which they acted. 



CHAPTER IX. 

When men are clothed with the exclusive powers 
of government, it requires no v'ery extensive knowl- 
edge of the philosophy of human nature, for any one 
to know that those powers are seldom relinquished 
without much reluctance. And except where force 
has been resorted to, such occurrences are rare indeed, 
unless under circumstances in which obedience must 
be rendered eventually to the force of ))ublic opinion, 
qnd the demand of the popular will- The freeholders 
of Rhode Island found themselves in possession of the 
political and civil power of the State ; and very nat- 
urally determined to retain it as long as possible. It 
is due however to the citizens of Providence, and of 
Providence county, to say that many of the freehold- 
ers, and for some years past, nearl}^ if not quite a 



CONCISE HISTORY. 51 

majority of them, have been satisfied that a change 
more congenial to our democratic republican feelings 
must soon take place, and ought to be effected. But 
the freeholders of the southern portions of the State, 
have been slow to relinquish any of their old notions 
on the subject of the elective franchise. Generally 
speaking, without any regard to popular right, or to 
the progress of liberal opinions, they have appeared 
determined never to recede. Claiming the right of 
the freeholder to rule, and pretending that no other 
man could safely be trusted with a participation in the 
affairs of government, they have had the folly to resist 
all attempts at change, with the apparent conviction 
that they would be able to stem the torrent of opposi- 
tion, and to carry out the old system through all time. 
Holding in their hands, the balance of political 
power, and being still farther strengthened by great 
numbers in the north, they steadily refused all con- 
cessions, till the period arrived, when it was found 
that concession was necessary to the safety of the 
State. 

Even up to the close of the November session of 
the legal State Convention of 1841, the same course 
in the main, was pertinaciously adhered to though it 
was clearly foreseen, from the stale of public feeling 
at the time, that the ground could not be maintained. 
Some of the members of that convention, in favor of 
the old la-nded qualification, took lessons from the 
aspect of the times. They saw in the distance, and 
not very remote either the storm that was gathering, 
and urged on others th« propriety of yielding to the 



52 CONCISE HISTORY. 

force of circumstances, to promote the public peace 
and safety. But the attempt was futile ; and the 
convention separated as we have seen. Before that 
body re-assembled, as has been stated, the People's 
Constitution had been given out. It was assumed 
from statistical data, that the male population of the 
State, was about 2?,000, of twenty-one years of age, 
and upwards. Of this number, the People's State 
Convention reported that 13,164, had voted for their 
constitution, making a large majority of the whole ; 
and of this number, it was also reported, there was a 
majority of the freemen, or legally qualified voters of 
the State. 

Thougjh it was very generally doubled among the 
opponents of the People's Constitution, if tbese re- 
ports were any tbing like correct, still, making all due 
allowances, they exhibited an array with which the 
boldest among the friends of the Charter deemed it 
dangerous to contend ; and when the legal convention 
came together in February, 1842, they appear to have 
assembled with their minds fully made up, to remove 
from the altar of their political worship, tlie antiquated 
Charter, the idol of the Rhode Island landholder. 
Accordingly, the way tlius prepared, it required but a 
short time to go througli with the details of tlie new 
constitution. [See Appendix.] In that instrument, 
though the landed quahfication was retained, yet the 
elective franchise was given to all American citizens, 
free of taxation ; provided they were twenty -one 
years of age, and resident two years in the State, and 
six months in the places where they claimed to vote. 



CONCISE HISTORY. 53 

luls constitution, it was hoped, would satisfy all par- 
ties, and quiet the State. But the sequel, as we have 
learned, showed that hope to have been flillacious. 

Several circumstances had already occurred, some 
of which have been narrated in the foregoing pages, 
to show that those who now controlled the Suffrage 
Association, now more properly speaking, the Suf- 
frage Party, had resolved to accept nothing at the 
hands of the legal convention. Had a peaceable 
issue of the question been desired by them, they 
would have awaited, as stated before, the action of 
the legal convention, which they did not. Even had 
they deemed it best, in such a case, to call a conven- 
tion of their own, it would have been done with 
instructions to that body to draw up the main features 
which they wished to have embodied in a constitution, 
and taken the sense of the people respecting them, by 
way of instruction to the legal convention ; and then 
awaited the issue. Their ground of popular sover- 
eignty, if it were tenable before, would have been 
euually so afterwards, had the legal convention refus- 
ed to comply with the popular demand. But the 
tone of the party had been completely changed. Up 
to July 5th, 1841, they had disclaimed the doctrine 
of free sufFracje, and confined their demands, virtually, 
to an extension of suffrage to native citizens of the 
United States, resident in Rhode Island; and that on 
the condition of a tax qualification. Soon after the 
above period, to increase the strength of the party on 
a popular vote, they insisted on free suffrage, without 
taxation, and including all naturalized foreigners. 
5 



54 CONCISE HiSTORF. 

The latter tbey knew to be particularly obnoxious 
to tbe landed interest, and could make no calculation 
on its being carried out, except by force. Even many 
of tbeir own party were decidedly opposed to it, and 
gave to it a reluctant assent, by way of compromise. 

Tbe call of a convention with imperative instruc- 
tions to frame a constitution, and to give it out to the 
people, and the resolution of the convention to take 
the vote on it, and in case it should receive a majority 
of the twenty-three thousand, that it should " become 
the paramount law of the land," all showed the deter- 
mination to submit to nothing, and to receive nothing, 
at the hands of the constituted authorities of the State. 
Added to these strong indications, are the resolutions 
passed, from time to time, in Providence and else- 
where, by the party, and the flag displayed by the 
convention at its final session, which bore the inscrip- 
tion, " The Constitution is adopted and shall be 
MAINTAINED." The last of these acts occurred on 
the 12th of January, 1842, a month before the final 
session of the legal convention, and of course when 
there could be nothing but conjecture as to what that 
body would finally do. At the same time, a State 
convention was recommended, to meet on the 16th of 
February, 1842, for the selection of State officers 
under the new constitution. It is idle to attempt to 
evade any of these points, for they are matters of 
history, and form a portion of the records of the 
SufTrage Party. Whatever therefore the legal con- 
vention might do or not do, was of no manner of 
importance to the party. The resolution was taken, 



CONCISE HISTORY. 55 

to cany the point by forcible revolution if necessary, 
without regard to consequences ; and that object was 
kept steadily in view. To the reader it is left to 
determine on a review of the circumstances here re- 
counted, whether or no the necessity for revolution 
had yet been created. 



CHAPTER X. 

In order to show how far the Suffrage Association 
had reason to complain of the constitution finally laid 
before the people of the State by the legal conven- 
tion, let us now compare a portion of that instrument 
with the official " Declaration of Principles," 
published in their organ, the New Age, and the 
resolutions explanatory of the same, as adopted at a 
full meeting of the body at Providence, Feb. 7, 1841. 
The resolutions, appended to the Declaration, are as 
follows : 

'' Resolved, That the power of the State should 
be vested in the hands of the people, and that the 
people have a right, from time to time, to assemble 
together, either by themselves or their representatives, 
for the establishment of a republican jorm of gov- 
ernment, 

" Resolved, That ivhenever a majority of the citi- 
zens of this State, who are recognised as citizens of 
the United States, shall by their delegates in conven 



56 CONCISE HISTORY. 

Hon assembhd, draft a constitution, and the same 
shall be accepted by their constituents, it ivill then be 
to all intents and purposes the law of the State. " 

It was the doctrine of a large majority of the 
Association, that all should he allowed to vote for 
or against a constitution, though but few thought that 
any should be allowed under a constitution, unless 
they were taxed in some way for the support and 
protection of the State. As the above resolutions 
left the subject in a very indefinite state, and as the 
Association did not wish to be considered as advo- 
cating the doctrine of free suffrage, a resolution was 
offered by a member, and adopted ; which is as 
follows : 

'' Resolved, That in the opinion of this Associa- 
tion, the two most important objects to be gained in 
the formation of a constitution, is equal representation 
and a liberal extension of suffrage. Therefore we 
are of opinion that to accomplish these objects, all 
who are interested should be allowed to participate in 
its formation. " 

An extension of suffrage has ever been, in this . 
State, put in opposition to free suffrage. So the 
Association considered it when the above resolution 
was adopted ; and so true is this, that, up to July, 
1841, the suhject of free and universal suffrage was 
prohibited from being discussed at the meetings. The 
Association then changed its ground. In respect to 



CONCISE HISTORY. 57 

voting for or against a constitution, the legal conven- 
tion did not go quite as far as the Association's 
" declaration of principles." But in the provisions 
relative to the elective franchise, they establised a 
naore " liberal extension of suffrage than the " decla- 
ration of principles " clai[ned, or than the Association 
had ever ventured to advocate till after the great mass 
conventions, when a considerable portion of a politi- 
cal party had, as such, been incorporated into the 
body, and a new mode of action adopted. 

On the ground of suffrage, then, it cannot be de- 
nied, tiiat the legal convention, though the Assembly 
had been presented with no petition from the Associ- 
ation, and acted with reference only to public opinion, 
conceded more than that Association had ever demand- 
ed before they had determined to have no constitution 
but one of their own making. On the subject of 
representation in the Lower House of the Assembly, 
it will be seen by reference to the two constitutions, 
there is a difference ; yet, after all, that adopted by 
the legal convention, all things considered, is quite as 
just as the other. The representation in the Senate 
is unequal ; and is the worst feature in the whole 
work. But these evils are, in the main, of no sort of 
importance ; because, as has been before noticed, the 
Suffrage Party, at least those who controlled the 
movements of the body, had determined that, good 
or bad, it should not go into effect, and that the Peo- 
ple's Constitution should be maintained. Objections 
were however made by them, and strenuous ones, to 
the Landholder's Constitution, on that account. The 
5* 



58 CONCISE HISTORY. 

same objections were made by many others in tlie 
northern part of the Slate, of the opposite party ; and 
acting on those objections, some of the latter party 
voted against the constitution. Others voted for it as 
the best compromise that could be obtained at the 
time, though it is not to be denied that the concessions 
made by it to the southern agricultural counties, were 
greater than could have been justified on any other 
ground, than the sH*or]g desire which prevailed, to restore 
peace and harmony to the State, by propitiating all par- 
ties, even at a sacrifice. The attempt was made, but 
as has been seen, failed. The constitution was re- 
jected by a majority of about 700 votes ; which 
majority was more than made up by persons opposed 
to the Suffrage Party, and some of whom were in 
fiivor of the Charter, and opposed to a constitution in 
any form, and others, as already hinted, from other 
causes. The Suffrage Party now proceeded on their 
course. Tliey resolved anew to establish the Peo- 
ple's Constitution, to use their own language, " by 
all ntccssary means. ^' And, to leave nothing to un- 
certain conjecture as to the true intention of this lan- 
guage, the flag of tlie convention was displayed at 
all their weekly meetings in Providence, with the 
inscription " The Constitution is adopted, and 
SHALL BE maintained ; " and many of the speakers 
at those meetings freely discussed the subject of a 
resort to arms, and were cheered and applauded by 
their audience in a vociferous manner. They soon 
commenced a military enrolhnent, and organised com- 
panies in the several wards in Providence, which 



CONCISE HISTORY. 59 

armed themselves, and put themselves under a course 
of drilling, and almost nightly paraded the streets. 
Besides these one entire chartered company, called 
the Independent Volunteers, espoused their cause, 
neaily the whole of the United Train of Artillery, a 
majority of the National Cadets, a large portion of tlie 
First Light Infantry, all in the city of Providence, 
and two or three small companies in several of the 
country towns. 

jMatters thus appeared to be drawing near to a crisis ; 
but still, the most prominent men in what was now 
the Landholders' Party, fell little or no alarm, although 
there was much excitement in the community, and 
many vague and undefined apprehensions of an ulti- 
mate collision. The public mind was in a stale of 
fearful suspense, and looking forward to the termina- 
tion of the affair, with intense anxiety. It was how- 
ever the opinion of the better informed portion of the 
Landholders' Party, or as they now called themselves, 
the " Law and Order Party, " that there would be 
no collision : — That the Suffrage Party, at least the 
most responsible portion of it, would give back, after 
having reached a point beyond which they could not 
go without resort to violence, or the commission of a 
flagrant breach of law. And, in this way they amused 
themselves, and suffered themselves to be deceived, 
as we shall see hereafter, while the Suffrage Party were 
pursuing, step by step, and without any serious obsta- 
cle, the course they had marked out. 



60 CONCISE HISTORY 



CHAPTER XT. 



Immediately on the rejection of the Landholders' 
Constitution, it was agreed among all the prominent 
men in the party, as well as among the members of 
the party generally, that another attempt should be 
made as soon as practicable, consistent with the exist- 
ing state of affairs, hy means of another convention, to 
settle the question by putting out another constitution 
which should obviate the reasonable objections against 
the recent one, and render it more acceptable to the 
people. But as the Suffrage Party had declared that 
they would accept of no compromise, and would not 
accept even of their own constitution from the hands 
of the Landholders Convention, and were determined 
to organize their government witliout reference to any 
authority but their own, it was deemed expedient to 
await a period, thought not to be very remote, when 
the excitement should have abated, and when affairs 
should have assumed an aspect that would afford an op- 
portunity for more deliberate action. For these reasons, 
the General Assembly, which convened at Providence 
on the 28th day of March, 1842, to hold an extra 
session to ascertain and proclaim the result of the vote 
on the constitution, took no measures for the call of a 
convention. At that session, a committee was appoint- 
ed to make a report on the subject. They according- 
ly arrayed in their report, what they supposed to be 
the main facts, and all of which, with some amplifica- 
tions and additions, have been or will be given in 



CONCISE HISTORY. 61 

these pages. In their report, they speak of the de- 
termination of tlie Suffrage Party to yield nothing, and 
say ^' Such a spirit is beyond the reach of conciliation 
or compromise. Nothing can satisfy such men but a 
triumph over the law, and a prostration of the govern- 
ment to unhallowed purposes. " Taking into view 
the previous resolution of the Suffrage Party that they 
would support their constitution " by all necessary 
means, " and " repel force by force, " the committee 
recommend prompt action on the part of the govern- 
ment, and call on all good citizens to array themselves 
on tlieir side. The report concludes with a proposi- 
tion to adopt resolutions which were appended. They 
called on the Governor to issue his proclamation ex- 
horting the good people of the state to give no aid or 
countenance to the attempt to set up the new govern- 
ment ; — to adopt such measures as in his opinion 
might be necessary, to execute the laws, and preserve 
the state from domestic violence : — And reported 
the act since called the Algerine Law, which will be 
found in the Appendix. These were all passed, with 
some few dissenting voices. 

Of the Algerine Law, so called by the opposing 
party, every one can judge, on its perusal. That par- 
ty of course unanimou«:ly condemned it, and it found 
but little favor with not a few of the supporters of the 
existing government. Its policy may be considered, 
in some respects, fairly questionable, as it served rather 
to exasperate than to reconcile. One point calculated 
on however by its passage, was gained. It soon thin- 
ned out the number of candidates for offices under the 



62 CONCISE HISTORY. 

People's Constitution, made extremely difficult to fill 
with responsible persons, the vacancies thus occasion- 
ed, and drew off many from that party, wlio never 
having intended a resort to physical force, left when 
they found the government in earnest. The govern- 
ment paity had calculated that, by tneans of this law, 
they would prevent farther proceedings under the 
People's Constitution, and bring the community gener- 
ally into a state of feeling favorable to a settlement of 
the vexed question by means of another constitution. 
But the hope was vain, and affairs soon assumed a 
more serious aspect. 

During the extra session, the members of the As- 
sembly who favored the cause of the Suffrage Party, 
w^ere on the alert, made various propositions, and stren- 
uously and ably sustained them. Among them was 
one to put out the People's Constitution to be voted 
on a second time, and another for the existing govern- 
ment to abdicate, and to give place to the new one 
about to be formed. On the grounds already stated, 
that the Suffrage Party would not accept, by way of 
compromise, even their own constitution, and because 
the General Assembly was opposed to it, and deter- 
mined not to yield, the former proposition was prompt- 
ly rejected. The latter was spurned at as an indigni- 
ty offered to the government. And thus, the extra 
session terminated ; not forgetting however, that a bill 
had been presented before the close, and promptly 
rejected, providing for an extension of suffrage. 



CONCISE HISTORY, 63 



CHAPTER XIL 



All the Legislative proceedings of the Assembly 
failed to retard the progress of the Suffrage Par- 
ty. They had defined their course, and marked 
their object ; and boldly determined to pursue the 
former, till they had reached the latter. Accord- 
ingly, in due time, they filled all the vacancies in 
their mutilated ticket, which had been occasioned 
by the sweeping process of the '' Algerine Law ; '' 
and when the eventful 18ih day of April, 1842, 
had arrived, on which their elections were to 
be held in accordance with a provision in their con- 
stitution, they found means to organise meetings in 
every town in the state, with one or two exceptions, 
and cast their votes for the various officers of state, 
counties, and towns, to organise their government. 
The preparation for that event commenced and pro- 
gressed, as an ordinary occurrence. The seal of the 
state w^as copied, and a fac sintile engraving procured. 
OrderSj in the form of requests, were issued to the 
military in Providence and elsewhere, wdiich adhered 
to the new government, to appear in the city on the 
fourth of May, to perform escort duty on the occasion 
of organising the new government. Meetings were 
held by the party, as usual, and the subject of an ap- 
peal to arms, in case the old government refused to 
resign in favor of the new one, was as fully and freely 
discussed, and as openly, as though the question of 
right had already been settled and the claims of the 



64 CONCISE HISTORY. 

new government fairly and fully recognised. Many 
persons gave back when these demonstrations were 
made, having no desire to resort to extremities ; but 
the great body remained firm, and appeared to be 
ready to proceed onward^ at all hazards. 

The nature of the escort duty to be performed, was 
well understood to be a measure of defence at least ; 
and from the hints dropped by many, and the plain 
declarations of others, the object in the collection of 
the force was supposed to be offensive. The sub- 
sequent declarations of Mr. Dorr, in his Proclamation 
as Governor of the state, justifies the conclusion that 
the force was called in, as far as he was concerned, 
for the double purpose of resisting any legal process, 
or military attack, on the part of the existing govern- 
ment, and of taking possession of the state property. 

Many continued to believe that the government 
contemplated to be formed under the People's Con- 
stitution, would never be organised. But the adher- 
ents of that cause paid no heed to those surmises ; 
and, except those who drew back on beholding the 
visage of war in the distance, kept up the din of pre- 
paration, and faltered not in their course. Their tone 
was as bold and confident as though they already 
wielded the reins of power ; and what was to be done 
by the new government, and how affairs were to be 
managed, was promulgated with all possible assurance. 
Hitherto, the charter government had done nothing 
but resolve, and re-resolve; and had not made a 
single advance by way of preparation for defence. 
The " Algerine Law" it is true stared the Suffrage 



CONCISE HISTORY. 65 

Party in the face, but was laid, inactive, on the shelf 
while the government party stared at, and talked to 
each other, and compared notes, and left their oppo- 
nents to manage their affairs in their own way, without 
molestation. At length however, it was found neces« 
sary, either to relinquish the government into the 
hands of Mr. Dorr and his associates, or to make pre- 
parations to sustain it. The military of the state, 
with the exception of some half dozen chartered com- 
panies, was in a state of complete disorganization, and 
even a portion of them, as before said, sided with the 
new government. In this emergency. Gov. King 
decided to call on the President of the United States, 
for aid. The requisition was made through a com- 
mission which proceeded directly to the seat of the 
national government. The reply returned by the 
President was prompt, and measurably decided in its 
tone, though not what was expected by many. Be- 
ing too lengthy for insertion within our narrow limits, 
we can only sketch its material points. 

The President considered the expression of opinion 
on the question at issue in the state, as out of his 
province ; it being, in his view, a question of munici- 
pal regulation, which the state must settle for itself, 
and with which the general government could have 
nothing to do. For himself, he recognised the exist- 
ing government of the gtate, and considered it his 
duty to interfere to protect it by means of force if 
necessary ; but, at the same time he declared he had 
no authority to anticipate insurrectionary movements, 
and gave it to be readily understood, that he did not 
6 



S6 CONCISE HISTORY. 

feel at liberty to furnish such aid, till some overt act 
of violence should have been committed. He express- 
ed a reliance on the <:jood sense of ihe people of the 
state, that they would not rush into revolution to obtain 
redress of grievences, and that, with the government 
itself, a spirit of concihation would prevail over rash 
councils. The letter bore date, Washington, April 
11, 1842. 

From the tenor of this letter, though the ultimate 
support of the Executive was ensured, still it seemed 
remote, and the condition of an overt act of violence 
before it could be realised, was any thing but pleasant 
to contemplate. The letter did nothing to allay the 
excitement, nor to impede the progress of those en- 
gaged in the erection of the new government ; for, 
though some of their adlierents gave back, those who 
remained were daily strengthened in their resolutions, 
by the tone of sundry presses abroad, which declared 
that, in case the government at Washington should 
interfere by force in tlie quarrel^ all necessary means 
should be furnished from other states, to sustain the 
Suffrage Party against them. 

Affairs had now assumed an aspect which was 
alarming to the peaceably disposed citizens of the 
state, of all parties. The government party saw the 
laws defied and violated ; and whatever power they 
might have, to attempt to execute them at the expense 
of the blood of either party, was a painful alternative, 
from which they shrank with horror. Nor had they 
erer intended the military force of the United States 
should proceed to hostilities, except in case of dire 



CONCISE HISTORY. 67 

necessity, had such a force been furnished. On the 
otlier hand, the men who controlled the destinies of the 
opposite party, had declared it their invincible deter- 
mination, never to strike the first hostile blow, and not 
to act at all, except on the defensive. But then 
neither party trusted implicitly in the good faith of 
the other ; and, to make the matter worse, the defen- 
sive action of the Suffrage Party, to use their own 
explanation, was resistance to the existing legal au- 
thorities, in all attempts to execute the provisions of 
the " Algerine Law, " so called by ihem, and to pre- 
vent the organization and establishment of the new 
gov^ernment. A general gloom was spread over the 
city of Providence, the principal arena of the quarrel. 
Father was arrayed against son, and son against father. 
Brothers and friends were found in opposite ranks, in 
hostile array against each other: — Confidence was 
destroyed: — Business was at a stand: — And no 
one could predict what was next to come. In this 
dilemma, the Charter Government of the State find- 
ing its powers entirely inadequate to the crisis, con- 
cluded to convene the General Assembly in special 
session. The call was made, and the Assembly con- 
vened at Providence, April 25th, 1842. 



CHAPTER Xlir. 

At the special session referred to at the close of the 
preceding chapter, a spirit appeared to pervade the 



68 CONCISE ISHTORY. 

body, with a few exceptions, to sustain the govern- 
ment in its hour of peril, and to carry it through the 
approaching crisis at all hazards, and at every neces- 
sary sacrifice. By a portion of the people who favor- 
ed and sustained its cause, it was thought adviseable 
to take measures to call a convention : and a portion 
of that portion "also wished that, as a preliminary 
measure, the Assembly would extend the suffrage in 
the choice of delegates to that convention. Those 
who expressed such sentiments were comparatively 
few however, as many of the party, some of them the 
most ardent and unwavering friends of an extension, 
were of the opinion that the legislature owed it to 
themselves, and to the state, not to act in such an 
emergency ; but that all action on the subject should 
be suspended, until it could take place free from all 
intimidation, and with all due deliberation. Resolu- 
tions were however introduced to call a convention, 
and to extend the suffrage in voting for delegates. 
But they were postponed ; the Assembly declining to 
do any thing on the subject in the then state of public 
feeling, and especially as, in about a w^eek afterwards 
a new Assembly was to convene, which had previous- 
ly been elected by the freemen. 

At this special session, resolutions passed to author- 
ise the Governor to take measures, in his discretion, 
to secure and protect the public property, and to fill 
vacancies in militia offices. A Board of Councillors 
was also appointed, to advise and assist the Governor 
in the discharge of his duties, which had now become 
arduous and critical. A resolution was also proposed 



CONCISE HISTORY. 69 

to authorise the Governor to accept the services of 
v^olunteers ; but it was deemed unconstitutional, and 
laid aside. Some other business was transacted, but 
nothing of any special importance, and the Assembly 
adjourned. Meantime, the public excitement con- 
tinued to increase instead of being abated ; and the 
Suffrage Party, at least those who continued to act 
in that capacity, relaxed not an iota in their stern 
resolves, or boldness of speech and action ; but 
pressed forward with unsurpassed energy, for the 
completion of their projects. 

The first election under the People's Constitution, 
occurred, as already stated, on the 18th of April, 
previous to the special session of the Assembly above 
named. Thomas Wilson Dorr, of Providence, to 
whom reference has been several times made in 
the foregoing pages, was elected Governor, From 
the unconquerable obstinacy of the man, from his 
tenacious adherence to the principle of universal 
Suffrage, fiom his indefatigable perseverance in any 
and every cause in which he might be engaged, as 
well as from his good talents and acquirements, no one 
for a moment supposed he would recede from the 
ground he had taken, or relinquish his purpose as long 
as a ray of hope remained. And when it was found 
that the Suffrage Party had also elected a full Senate, 
and nearly a full House, of men who had dared to 
accept office in defiance of the legislative enactments, 
there were but very few of the government party who 
did not fully make up their minds that the dreaded 
crisis must come. Still, very little, if any, actual 
6* 



70 CONCISE HISTORY. 

preparation was made to meet it. Immediately after 
the above election, on the next day, April 19th, the 
regular election was held under the Charter. Gover- 
nor King was re-elected by a very large majority of 
the freemen ; as was also a Senate in support of the 
existing government ; and whicii was composed of 
five men from each of the political parties. The 
House of Representatives \\as composed of men also 
pledged to the government, without distinction of 
party, except six, who were the adherents of Mr, 
Dorr. We had now two governments elect in the 
State, each equally determined and resolved not to 
yield to the other, and thus affairs stood till the 3d 
of May. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

According to the provision of the People's Con- 
stitution 10 that effect, the officers of the State, elect, 
under that instrument, assembled in the city of Provi- 
dence on the 3d of May, 1842, for the purpose of 
organizing a government for tlie State of Rhode 
Island. The State House having been refused them 
by the authorities, they proceeded, in due time, to 
an unfinished building which was designed for a foun- 
dry, and which had been obtained for their use. On 
the morning of that day, the people began to assem- 
])le ; and at an early hour in the forenoon, the num- 
ber was large. A procession was formed, and pro- 



CONCISE HISTORY. 71 

ceeded to the place of meeting under a military 
escort. It had been given out, that there would be a 
body of military present, to the amount of at least 
J 500; and it was generally believed by the adherents 
of the new government, that it would amount to 
2500. The whole affair was however meagre to 
what was generally expected on either hand. The 
entire military, including officers, amounted to no 
more than 495 men ; and the entire number of per- 
sons, in the procession, armed and unarmed, to 1650. 
The new legislature was organised in the usual form, 
and proceeded to business.. In proceeding to the 
place of meeting, the portion of the j:)rocession com- 
posed of Mr. Dorr and the other members of the 
government elect, was flanked, on the right and left, 
by a military guard. And the guard, as well as all 
the other military in the procession, were supposed to 
march v.ith loaded muskets, and furnished with ball 
cjrfridges. During the day, no popular disturbance 
occurred, and at night, all was quiet. There was 
also a military guard at the place of meeting, during 
business hours through the session, and at jMr. Dorr's 
quarters, at other times. 

The session of the People's General Assembly, as 
the above v%as called by its friends, was short. It 
was convened on the 3d of May, and adjourned on 
the 5th, to assemble at Providence again on Monday, 
July 4th, 1842. In the course of the session, not a 
vast deal of business was attempted. A message 
was delivered by Mr., now styled Governor Dorr, in 
which he laid before the assembled body a sort of 



i'Z CONCISE HISTORY. 

detailed history of events connected with the move- 
ments and proceedings of the party, and marked out 
a course of policy to be pursued. The message was 
bold, firm, and decided in its tone, and dignified in its 
character, as might have been expected of the man. 
The first legislative act performed, was, the passage 
of resolutions to inform the President and Congress 
of the United States, and the Governors of the sev- 
eral States, of the establishment of the new govern- 
ment. A proposition was made by Mr. Dorr, to take 
possession of the State House in Providence, and 
other State property. But he was overruled by his 
legislature, who were not prepared to second him. 
The policy of Mr. Dorr was undoubtedly the true 
one, as it would have manifested a full confidence in 
the legitimacy of the new government, and the 
determination to sustain it ; and strengthened the 
confidence of its friends. Tlie manner in which 
they shrank from the proposed measure, savored 
either of timidity, or a want of confidence, whicli 
was more fully shown by the subsequent conduct of 
a large portion of the members, who, in quick suc- 
cession, have informed the public, through the medi- 
um of the pres5, that they have resigned their respec- 
tive offices. Towards the close of the session, a 
resolution was adopted, and agents were appointed 
under it, to demand possession of the public records, 
funds, and other property ; but affairs soon assumed 
such a form as to render the demand a somewhat 
dangerous business ; and it was never made. Little 
was done in the way of organizing the various depart- 



CONCISE HISTORY. 73 

ments of orovernment. A few inferior offices were 
filled, and the famous " Algerine Law " was for- 
mally repealed with all due solemnity ; while, ludi- 
crously enough, the old courts, well known to be 
strongly opposed to the revolutionary movement, were 
continued in office. The reason probably was, that 
the candidates for the Bench under the People's Con- 
stitution, had sundry misgivings about assuming the 
responsibilities of office. Thus the session passed off, 
leaving the mere skeleton of a government, without 
either moral or physical force to give it maturity or 
life. 



. CHAPTER XV. 

fN conformity with the provision of the Charter, 
the General A«;sembly elected by the legal freemen 
of the State, assembled at Newport, on Wednesday, 
May 4th, to organise the government for the ensuing 
year, and to transact such business as might be deem- 
ed necessary. The Assembly was duly organised on 
that day, and proceeded to the consideration of affairs 
connected with the important crisis which had arrived. 
All hope of conciliation had passed away, unless by 
an unconditional submission to the demands of the 
parly with Mr, Dorr at its head, which was, the 
abdication of the Charter (government, and the full 
and complete surrender of all its powers into the 
hands oi the body elected under the People's Consti- 



74 CONCISE HISTORY. 

liitioii. This was not to be thought of; and the. 
General Assembly proce'eded at once to adopt meas- 
ures to repel force by force. Immediately after the 
organization of the Assembly, a resolution was intro- 
duced, declaring that the crisis had arrived, which 
was contemplated in the letter to the Governor from 
the President of the United States ; and calling on 
the latter for aid. For, tJiough no actual violence 
had been committed by the party in arms, yet the 
holding of their legislative session, assuming and exer- 
cising the powers of government, and openly arraying 
an armed force with apparently hostile intentions, 
were deemed treasonable and insurrectionary. The 
Assembly, and their constituents, did not consider 
that the constitution and laws of the United States 
required that actual violence and bloodshed should 
take place, as a condition of the promised succor, and 
desired to be able to array a force on the side of the 
government of the State, which would be competent 
to overawe the disaffected party, and prevent such an 
awful catastrophe. After a long debate, in which 
some of the friends of Mr. Dorr and his government, 
in the Assembly, took a very active part in opposition, 
the resolutions passed by a vote of 56 to 6 ; and 
commissioners were immediately despatched to the 
seat of the General Government, with full powers on 
behalf of the State. Measures were taken at this 
session to disband a disaffected chartered military 
company in the city of Providence, and to reorgan- 
ise, and to prepare for active duty, the military in 
general. The Assembly then adjourned, after a ses- 



CON'CISE HISTORY. 75 

sioii of only two days, to await the issue of the 
requisition on the President, and to meet again at 
Newport on the Wednesday following; May 11. 

The return of Governor King, and a portion of the 
Assembly, from Newport to Providence, afforded an 
opportunity for the display of feeling in those two 
places. On Wednesday evening, some half a dozen 
individuals in Providence, proposed to get up a pro- 
cession and escort for the occasion. On Thursday, a 
committee of arrangements was appointed. On Fri- 
day, the Newport Artillery, numbering more than 80, 
and about 300 citizens without arms, escorted the 
Governor and his friends to the steamboat on their 
departure from that town. On their arrival at Provi- 
dence, they were received by an escort, consisting of 
the First Light Infantry, numbering 105 men, the 
Marine Artillery, 70, the National Cadets, 83, and 
635 citizens without arms ; making, in all, 1050 per- 
sons. Previous to the arrival of the Governor, a 
report was put in circulation that an attempt would 
be made to seize his person ; and the report gained 
some credence in consequence of certain demonstra- 
tions made by the opponents of the government. 
The soldiers composing the military escort were there- 
fore served with ball catridges on the occasion ; but 
whether there was a serious intention entertained of 
seizing the Governor, or the precautions taken to 
prevent it proved an effectual hint, the attempt was 
not made. 

Immediately after the close of the session of the 
Assembly under the People's Constitution, several 



76 CONCISE HISTORY. 

arrests were made, of prominent men in that body. 
Those arrests, at least those made in the city of Prov- 
idence, were generally attended with a good deal of 
commotion, and large crowds attended at the place of 
examination. Except in one instance however, no 
attempt was made at a rescue, and that was overcome 
by the efforts of the person under arrest. Mr. Dorr 
himself was surrounded by his friends. It was sup- 
posed that any attempt to take him would be attended 
with violence, and probably with bloodshed ; and as 
the authorities, under the existing circumstances, did 
not feel disposed to resort to extremities, he was 
suffered to remain unmolested. The tone and feeling 
of his friends at that time, may be judged of, from the 
followinor notice published in bis official organ, the 
Providence Daily Express, May 10th, 1842 : 



*' THE PEOPLE OF RHODE ISLAND, TO ARMS ! '^ 

PARTICULAR NOTICE. 

The following is the order of proceedings under 
the '' Algerine act " to the present time, according to 
their respective dates. 

4th.* James Joslin, Esq., late Judge of the Court 
of Common Pleas for the County of Newport, was 
arrested for Treason, may 7th, on complaint of 

Qj- . , of Newport, .JjQ Warrant issued by 

Cj- JOB DURFEE.t=£D 

5th. Benjamin Arnold, Jr., of Providence, ar- 

* A prior notice had been publislied, up to No, 3 inclusive, 
t Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. 



CONCISE HISTORY. 77 

rested for Treason, May 9th, and committed to prison. 
Arrested by (T?- DANIEL K. CHAFFEE, High 
Street,^^ on complaint of HENRY G. MUM- 
FORD, Bowen Street. The warrant was issued by 
O:?- HENRY L. BOWEN, George Street, ,^ 
CJ- SAMUEL CURRY of this city, [late of Her 
British Majesty's Colony, Nova Scotia,] witness and 
informer. ^^£J) 

6th. Welcome B. Sayles, Esq.., of Cumberland, 
almost arrested by 07^ AMOS COOK, of Cumber- 
land, .^ on complaint of Q:^ HENRY L. KEN- 
DALL, High Street, Providence, .~£:0 warrant issued 
by (Tr- HENRY L. BOWEN, of this city afore- 
said. .^ 

7th. Hezekiah Willard, of Providence, arrested 
for Treason, by CCf- DANIEL K. CHAFFEE, No. 
41 High Street, Providence, cXO on complaint of 
HENRY G. MUMFORD, Bowen Street,.^ war- 
rant issued by Q:^ HENRY L. BOWEN, George 
Street. c£J} Mr, Willard was committed to prison," 

It is the dictate of charity to place on the actions 
of men, the best constructions that circumstances will 
warrant. In ordinary times, or in times of political 
excitement, originating in a war of words soc ommon 
in our electioneering campaigns, a notice like the 
foregoing, would assume but very little importance. 
But the circumstances under which that was penned 
and published, whatever may have been the object, 
stamp it with the character of baseness and cruelty, 
worthy of Robespiere, himself It was addressed to 
7 



18 CONCISE HISTORY. 

the passions of a party already highly inflamed, and, 
in a considerable degree rancorous: — A party which 
held in its fraternal embrace, a large number of igno- 
rant men, and desperate. Affairs had reached that 
juncture, when an appeal to arms was deemed almost 
inevitable, and when both parties had commenced 
their preparations for the dreadful event, with the 
frightful horrors of a civil war in prospect. Such a 
notice, under such circumstances, could only be con- 
sidered as designed to mark certain men as victims for 
the knife of the assassin, and their dwellings as the 
prey of the midnight torch. The thought is appalling, 
and we would fain shut it out forever; but as we can 
find no apology for the notice itself, so neither can we 
cast oft the conviction, that, in a certain event, it was 
to be copied by an infuiiated populace in fire and 
blood! Happily, it fell harmless to the earth ; and 
its intended victims remain unscathed. 

It will be seen that the contest had now assumed 
an aspect altogether different from what it had at first 
presented. Originally, the object was, an extension 
of suffrage ; and the means to obtain it, the ballot- 
box under the control of pubhc opinion. The point 
had already been surrendered by the freeholders them- 
selves ; and the concessions they had made, been 
rejected. The freeholders stood ready, on the resto- 
ration of peace and quiet, to make a new efibrt for a 
constitution to satisfy the people. But their advances 
passed unheeded. The contest waged between the 
two parties therefore did not then embrace the subject 
of an extension of suffrage, and never has done since. 



CONCISE HlSTORy. 79 

The true and only question between the contending 
parties, since the rejection of the Landliolders' Con- 
stitution, in March last, is, whether the People's Con- 
stitution, and the government formed or to be formed 
under it, should or should not be reco.s;nised as the 
paramount law and government of the State. It be- 
came, in other words, a question of power ; and the 
friends of the People's Constitution, having erected 
their form of government, and -finding themselves 
unable to establish it by common consent, determined 
to do so by means purely revolutionary ; or in other 
words, vi et armis. The friends of the existing gov- 
ernment have ever been ready, since the rejection of 
the proposed constitution in 'March last, to propose 
and adopt another, with a liberal extension of suf- 
frage ; but the other party would accept of no alter- 
native but the recognition of their own, and to which, 
the friends of the government would not accede. 
This is the true state of the case. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

On the llth of May, according to the previous 
adjournment, the General Assembly again met at 
Newport. At the opening of the session, one of the 
commissioners who had been despatched to Washing- 
ton on the 5th, presented a letter from the President 
of the United States, bearing date, " Washington, 



80 CONCISE HISTORY. 

May 7, 1842." [See Appendix.] This letter, like 
the former, though it held out the prospect of aid in 
the distance, appeared to have been dictated by the 
same cold, calculating policy as the former ; and 
though the President seemed still to consider the 
injunctions of the constitution and the laws impera- 
tive, to furnish such aid, he seemed also to say to the 
General Assembly, that no requisition would be deem- 
ed sufficient, unless steeped in the blood of their 
fellow citizens. The alternative was a dreadful one, 
and yet there was nothing left but submission to the. 
decree. How far a regard to future events connect- 
ed with his own prospects and wishes, may have 
influenced the President in his decision, we are not 
prepared to say; but certain it is, the subject had 
become one of party discussion in the political press, 
and had been introduced into Congress, and bandied 
there on party ground. And it is equally certain that 
the President, in his letters, placed himself much in a 
like quandary with a celebrated personage, who is 
fabled as having made an unsuccessful attempt to 
please every body, while on the way to market with 
a braying, long-eared quadruped. 

At this session of the Assembly, no farther meas- 
ures of a defensive character were adopted. Mean- 
time, Mr. Dorr had left the State, and made his 
appearance in the city of New York. Thence, he 
proceeded to Washington, where he met several of 
his friends who had preceded him. While there, 
they had interviews with the President of the United 
States, and a number of the members of Congress ; 



CONCISE HISTORY. 81 

and soon returned to ^e\v York. Dtn-ing this time, 
active preparations were in progress in the city of 
Providence, and in some other towns, on both sides, 
of a military character. The government party had 
placed a strong guard in the Arsenal, in Providence, 
which contained five pieces of artillery, about twenty- 
three hundred muskets, and a quantity of ammunition. 
The chartered military companies, except the United 
Volunteers,and United Train of Artillery, in Providence 
were filled up and put under drill on the part of the 
government, as were also the chartered companies and 
volunteer companies in Newport, Bristol, and Warren. 
The citizens of Providence, friendly to the govern- 
ment, were requested to arm themselves, and prepare 
to defend the city ; and arms were tendered to them 
for that purpose. On the other hand, Mr. Dorr's 
military forces, in the city, and out of it, were putting 
themselves in a state of preparation for the approach- 
ing ciisis, and arming themselves, at least a portion of 
them, as far as circumstances would permit ; while 
certain party presses urged and cheered them on, and 
held out to them the promise of all necessary aid, in 
case the United States government should interfere. 
They never appear to have dreamed of meeting with 
any serious resistance frcvn the State government and 
its friends. In fact, they seemed rather to ridicule 
the notion that the aristocrats, as they called the 
government party, would fight, and looked on them 
with a sneer, as men already conquered. The friends 
of the government entertained much the same feel- 
ing towards the Dorr party, as it was now familiarly 
7* 



82 CONCISE HISTORY. 

called : and many were rather inclined to ridicule the 
preparation for hostile operations. 

On Thursday, May 12, Burrington Anthony, for- 
mer U. S. Marshal for the Rhode Island District, 
who had been with Mr. Dorr, to Washington, return- 
ed in advance of him, leaving him in New York. 
The rumor preceded his arrival, that the President of 
the United States had appointed Mr. Webster, Secre- 
tary of State, and one or two other gentlemen, as 
commissioners to mediate between the contending 
parties, and to bring affairs to an amicable adjustment. 
Anthony professed to be the bearer of despatches to 
that purport to one of the most prominent men in the 
government party, a member of the Legislature of 
the State. It turned out, however, that the President 
had made no such appointment, and that the de- 
spatches consisted of a single letter from Mr. Webster 
to the gentleman named above, containing certain 
overtures, which, on being presented to the Governor 
and Council, were promptly rejected. They had 
become satisfied that the government of the State, 
and its friends, must fight their own battle, and did 
not feel disposed to subnjit to any dictation as to what 
they should demand or concede. [See Appendix.] 

On Thursday evening, May l'2th, a meeting was 
held, and numerously attended, by the adherents of 
Mr. Dorr, on tlie State House Parade in Providence. 
Speeches were made by several persons, on the occa- 
sion, breathing defiance to the charter government ; 
and resolutions were passed, stating that no compro- 
mise would be accepted but what recognised the sov- 



CONCISE HISTORY. 83 

ereignly of tiie whole people ; nor that without the 
repeal of the Algerine Law. The meeting also re- 
solved that the government and its adherents sought 
for blood, that no more arrests should be permitted 
under the odious law, and that Gov. Dorr should he 
protected. And to these points, the persons com- 
posing the meeting, generally, pledged themselves 
personally, by the response of yes or no. 

Mr. Dorr still remained at New York, where meet- 
ings had been held by his political party friends, to 
encourage and aid him ; and it was generally under- 
stood that money, men, and arms, would be furnished 
by them for his use, but which, when the crisis came, 
did not appear to be forilicoming. On Saturday, May 
14th, he left that city for Stonington, on his way to 
Providence, having been escorted to the boat in which 
he was to take passage, by several hundred persons, 
but without military honors. He arrived at Stoning- 
ton on the next [Sunday] morning ; and the same 
day, a party of his friends, embracing several members 
of his Assembly, and about thirty men under arms, 
went down to meet him. On Monday, May 16th, 
he arrived at Providence, in company with those who 
had previously gone out to meet him ; and was re- 
ceived at the Kail Road Depot by a large concourse 
of people, consisting of about twelve hundred in all, 
of whom, about two hundred and fifty were under 
arms. In an undress uniform, and a sword at his side, 
the hero of the day was escorted, or rather guarded, 
through the principal streets of the city, in an open 
barouche drawn by four white horses. He was ac- 



84 CONCISE HISTORY. 

companled by his Secretary of State, and the Sheriff 
ot Providence elect under the People's Constitution ; 
and, in that style, was conducted to the house of Bur- 
rington Anthony, where he took up his quarters, 
protected by a military guard, and two small pieces of 
artillery. .All parties were doubtless disappointed in 
this array of force. Unwearied pains had been taken, 
for some time previous, to organize and drill it, and to 
have it in readiness to act at a moment's warnino-. 

o 

The occasion on which it was now to be used, was 
one of the utmost importance, and yet, after all, it 
was found impossible to concentrate in the city, the 
number of three hundred men who were ready to 
take up arms for the People's Constitution ; and of 
the number actually embodied, few more than one 
hundred and fifty resided in the city. 

To any man at all acquainted with military opera- 
tions, and possessed of a less sanguine temperament 
than the commander-in-chief of this motley band, the 
circumstance would at once have afforded convincing 
evidence, that his object was impracticable. But, if 
there be one trait more prominent than all others in 
the character of Thomas Wilson Dorr, it is that of 
obstinacy, which takes no note of circumstances, and 
heeds neither advice nor remonstrance, when arrayed 
against his predeterminations. On this principle he 
acted ; and while many of his friends and associates 
endeavored to dissuade him from his rash enterprise, 
and others were forsaking him on every hand, he de- 
termined to strike the blow, and to open the frightful 
drama of civil war. Accordingly, on the day he en- 



CONCISE HISTORY. 85 

tered Providence, he issued his Proclamation [See 
Appendix] and commenced the woik of preparation. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

While the preparations of ^Ir. Dorr were in progress, 
the major part ol the community friendly to the exist- 
ing government, and which now embraced a large 
number of persons who had advocated the peaceable 
'measures of the Suffrage Party, were rather disposed 
to treat the affair w^ith ridicule; and doubted if any 
serious movement were intended. Others, who better 
knew the disposition of the man with whom they had 
to deal, looked on the affair in a different light ; and 
all were of opinion that they should prepare for defence. 
By Tuesday morning, the Insurgents, as the govern- 
ment party now termed their opponents, had mounted 
two more pieces of cannon. They then had four 
pieces, though all them were of iron, and nearly use- 
less for any other purpose than for the defence of Mr. 
Dorr's quarters, in front of which they were planted. 
The first point of attack was hinted to be the Arsenal ; 
with the obvious intent of getting possession of the 
munitions of war contained in it, in order to deprive 
the government of their use, and to distribute them 
among those who might be found ready to use them 
for the opposing party. On the morning of Tuesday, 
May I7ih, Gov. King called his council and fellow 
citizens around him for consultation and advice. In 



86 CONCISE HISTORY. 

the conclusion, it was determined that the measure of 
arming the friends of the government should be carried 
out, and that an order should be despatched, on the 
first indication of hostile movements, to call in troops 
from other parts of the State. Before the meeting 
had terminated, it had been given out by some one in 
the secret, that Mr. Dorr had determined to make the 
attack on the Arsenal, at two o'clock the following 
morning, Wednesday, May 18ih. The report was 
not generally credited, it being known that the force 
then at Dorr's command, badly equipped, and men 
generally on whom no reliance could be placed, must 
prove entirely incompetent to the undertaking. The 
Arsenal, too, a strong stone building, in the western- 
suburbs of the city, .was well guarded, and fully sup- 
plied with all that was needed for the occasion. Be- 
sides, it v^^as situated on an open level plain, without 
defence or shelter for an invading force; and while 
it was well known that the government could raise a 
military force in the cit}^ of Providence alone, of at 
least treble the number of that under Dorr's command, 
it seemed almost impossible to believe he could have 
the folly and madness to make the desperate attempt. 
But he was not the man to calculate on impossibilities. 
Try — was his motto; and he never considered any 
thing impossible, till all means of execution had been 
applied, and had failed. There had been no time 
since his arrival, that his entire force could not have 
been routed and overwhelmed in twenty minutes, by 
the force the government could command in the city. 
But each party determined not to shed the first blood; 



CONCISE HISTORY. 87 

if possible, to avoid the necessity. Thus matters 
remained up to Tuesday afternoon, at one o'clock, 
when the signal gun was fired at Dorr's quarters. A 
large crowd assembled ; and the men under arms, 
were ordered to be ready for action, and on the 
ground, in thirty minutes. 

By this time, the excitement in the city had become 
intense : and it was by no means allayed by a report 
that the forces of Dorr, or a portion of them, were to 
make the attempt, in the course of the afternoon, to 
seize two brass field piec(>s, six pounders, deposited 
in the Armory of the United Train of Artillery, to 
which company they were attached. The Armory is 
situated in the rear of College Street, in the very heart 
of the city, and is separated from the Cadet Armory, 
only by a narrow passage. It was hardly supposed 
such a daring project would be attempted ; but by 
half past four all doubt was dispelled by the appear- 
ance of a company of Insurgent Volunteers marching 
boldly up College Street, and wheeling into the lane 
in rear of the Armory. The company mustered near- 
ly seventy strong; and after they had wheeled on to 
the ground, they very deliberately loaded their musk- 
ets, and took possession of the cannon, and marched 
them through the streets, to Dorr's quarters. There 
was a guard of only six men at the Armory, and they 
were armed with swords only, and could offer no re- 
sistance. A large number of the Cadets and Marine 
Artillery were present and would have opposed force 
to force ; but the Governor had retired to his residence 
some two miles distant, and there was no one present 



88 CONCISE HISTORY. 

to give orders to act. This transaction at once awak- 
ened the adherents of the government to the reality, 
and showed them that they must either conquer in 
arms, or submit to such terms as might be dictated to 
them. They determined on the former course ; and 
the business of arming was prosecuted whh vigor. 

Immediately after the above transaction, an express 
was sent to the Governor, to give him the information. 
He instantly returned to town, and issued orders which 
were sent off by express, to Warren, Bristol, and 
Newport, and to the south part of the State, for the 
military to muster, and to hold themselves in readiness 
to proceed to Providence at a moment's warning. In 
the city, all was bustle and commotion. From the 
hoary headed sire, of seventy winters, to the stripling 
just advanced to the verge of manhood, all ages, and 
all conditions, looked defiance, uttered the war-cry, 
and clad themselves for the battle field. The First 
Light Infantry, the National Cadets, and the Marine 
Artillery, three spirited and well drilled corps, parad- 
ed with full ranks, and with as much alacrity as for 
an ordinary drill. The Cadets and Marine Artillery 
marched out at 10 o'clock P. M, and took post in the 
Arsenal ; where were also posted the regular guard of 
about thirty men, and a number of volunteers; the Light 
Infantry having been held in reserve. At the same 
time, a steamboat was despatched to Warren, Bristol, 
and Newport, to bring in the troops form those towns. 

During all this time, Mr. Dorr and his coadjutors 
were not idle ; for though many of his most influen- 
tial friends were with him till near midnight, endeavoring 



CONCISE HISTORY, 89 

to dissuade him from his rash undertaking, he still per- 
sisted, against all their expostulations, and determined 
to. proceed. During the evening, about one hundred 
men under arms, joined him from Pawtucket and 
Woonsocket ; the body from the latter place being a 
chartered company, and mustering between sixty and 
seventy men ; and by midnight, the force had increas- 
ed so as to number between three and four hundred. 
Mr. Dorr, it appeared afterwards, had imbibed the 
same notion that had been imbibed by many of his 
men — that the party opposed to them would not 
fight, and that the Arsenal would be readily captured. 
In that opinion they were probably confirmed by the 
forbearance that had been exercised towards them, 
and the ease and facility with which they had been 
permitted to sieze and take away the field pieces 
already named. The capture of the Arsenal was the 
first measure in his plan of operations ; to obtain its 
stores of arms and ammunition, was absolutely neces- 
sary to enable him to carry that plan out. He had 
staked his all upon it, and was bent on making the 
effort. 

On that awful night, but few of the citizens of Prov- 
idence retired to rest ; or, if they did, retired not for 
slumber, but, with watchful eyes and aching hearts, to 
await in the most painful suspense, the dread spectacle 
of our fair city wrapt in flames, and her streets delug- 
ed with blood. But happily it proved only a haggard 
vision — The terrible catastrophe came not. 

At one o'clock in the morning, Wednesday, May 
18th, the signal guns were fired at the camp, in 
8 



90 CONCISE HISTORY. 

front of Dorr's quarters, a procedure that afforded 
one more striking illustration of his utter ignorance of 
military affairs ; as in giving this signal for the rally 
of his friends, he also gave warning to his foes to pre- 
pare for defence. By this time, his forces had begun 
to disperse; and many returned to their homes; so 
that, when the order was given to march, his entire 
host of armed men amounted to less than two hundred 
and fifty ; and with this ill appointed force, he had the 
folly and temerity to march, with two six pounders, 
into the open field, without an embankment, or a de- 
fence of any description, against a superior force pro- 
tected by strong stone walls, with five pieces of artille- 
ry, and small arms and ammunition in abundance ; 
and knowing, at the same time, that he was liable to 
be attacked in the rear by the Light Infantry, and 
the citizen volunteers, and possibly if not probably, 
by at least three companies of Artillery, and two or 
three companies of Infantry, for which a steamboat 
had been despatched in the evening. Immediately 
after the signal guns had been fired, the Insurgents 
moved from their encampment, with Mr. Dorr at their 
head ; and at about two o'clock in the morning, took 
up their position before the Arsenal, at little more 
than musket shot distance from it. At the same time 
a detachment of forty men was sent out from tiie main 
body, to intercept the march of the Light Infantry ; 
and scouts from both parties were perambulating the 
plain in all directions ; and some of those from the 
Arsenal, favored by a dense fog, and the absence of 
the moon which had not yet risen, penetrated even 
into the Insurgent lines. 



CONCISE HISTORY. 91 

When Mr. Dorr took up the line of march, notice 
was given by the patrol ; and the alarm bells were 
rung. Never perhaps had the citizens of Providence 
witnessed a moment so full of horror ! — Never had a 
sound struck on their ears, that carried such agony to 
the soul ! The best men of the city were drawn up 
in battle array, and the flower of our youth were 
there. The first stroke of the bell came as the knell 
of death. The heart of the devoted wife, and the 
fond mother, sickened with anguish, as she thought on 
all that was dear to her on earth, and hstened with 
agonizing suspense for the cannon's dreadful roar, that 
might tell the tale of death, and leave her a childless 
widow ! Then too, lovers, sisters, and friends, shed 
tears of bitter anguish, and amidst the awful gloom, 
breathed a silent prayer to heaven, for those they 
loved. While visions of a city in flames, sacked and 
plundered^ and its inhabitants devoted to the knife of 
the midnight assassin, rose up in the imagination, and 
struck the soul with horror! But heaven, in mercy, 
had otherwise ordained. 

The men who followed Mr. Dorr to the field, it 
appeared had not gone there to fight, but to witness 
the fulfillment of his prediction, that the Arsenal would 
be surrendered without firins: a crun. He had deceiv- 
ed himself and them. He sent a flag of truce, and 
demanded its surrender, which was refused in a man- 
ner that implied contempt. He ordered the discharge 
of his cannon, and no one was found sufficiently hardy 
to apply the match. He applied it himself, and no 
effect was produced beyond the burning of the pow- 



92 CONCISE HISTORY. 

der in the pans. His men, meantime, went off in 
squads- till he was nearly forsaken. At length he 
retreated, with his cannon and about thirty men, the 
remnant of his force ; and when daylight appeared, 
in two hours after he had taken the field, not a man 
was to be found upon it, though not a single shot had 
been fired. When it was found that Mr. Dorr and 
his party had retired, and that he, with the remnant 
of his force, had returned to their quarters, the forces 
which had rallied on the part of the government 
marched into the city. The Mayor of Providence 
issued a request to the citizens, to lay aside their 
ordinary concerns, and to appear in arms on the side 
of the laws. Those who were favorably disposed, in 
general, complied with the request. Nearly every 
place of business in the city was closed, and a large 
body of citizen volunteers, in addition to the organised 
military force, appeared in arms. At nearly eight 
o'clock in the moning, the steamboat arrived with a 
force collected during the night. It consisted of one 
company of Artillery, from Bristol, one from Newport 
and one from Warren. Soon after their arrival, the 
line was formed, and, in a short time, the column took 
up the line of march for Federal Hill, where the few 
remaining Insurgents lay encamped. The following 
is the order, as published at the time, in the Provi- 
dence Journal. 

^' Early in the morning, the Mayor issued a notice 
calling upon the citizens to lay aside their usual busi- 
ness and assemble at the Cadet Armory to receive 
arms and prepare to assist in the execution of the 



CONCISE HISTORY. 93 

laws. The request was very generally complied 
with. The course of Dorr in attacking the Arsenal 
rendered any further postponement of his arrest quite 
out of the question. The military companies, with 
the citizen volunteers, were ordered to proceed to his 
Head Quarters, at Burrington Anthony's house. The 
command of the whole was assigned to Col. William 
Blodget. — They proceeded in tiie following order: 
Newport Artillery, Col. Swan ; Providence Light 
Infantry, Capt. Brown ; National Cadets, Capt. Mar- 
tin ; Citizen Volunteers, Capt. Meriweather ; Marine 
Artillery, Lt. Col. Nightingale ; Warren Artillery, 
Capt. Fessenden ; Bristol > Artillery, Lt. Col. Taylor. 
The companies were all reinforced by volunteers, and 
the whole force numbered about seven hundred mus- 
kets, with six field pieces, two French eights and four 
four-pounders. — While the troops were proceeding 
to the ground a report was received that Dorr had 
made his escape. A detachment of the Cadets vol- 
unteered to go in pursuit of him. They instantly 
mounted, but were misinformed as to his route, and 
returned after having gone about twenty miles in the 
direction of the Norwich and Worcester Railroad. 
Mr- Dorr made his escape soon after nine o'clock. — 
He returned from the attack on the Arsenal, very 
much discouraged and broken down ; he saw that he 
had arrayed the whole State against him, and that 
his own followers would not stand by him to carry 
out the whole of his treasonable designs. — He found, 
also, that many of the members of his Legislature had 
determined to resign. Some of his near relatives 
8* 



94 CONCISE HISTORY. 

had called upon him, the evening previous, and urged 
him to desist, but they failed to make any impression 
upon him, although seconded by his own chief coun- , 
sellers. On Wednesday morning one of his relatives 
provided him with the means of escape, and he very -, 
readily accepted them. " 

It would be of little interest to the reader, to enter i 
more fully into the details of this bloodless affray. 
Suffice it to say — the gallant bands composing the j 
column, marohed up in veteran style, and without | 
fllnchingj in front of the loaded cannon in the Insur- 
gent camp ; and calmly and coolly performed their 
evolutions, at the word of command, while the enemy 
stood at their guns with lighted matclies, ready to deal 
out the messengers of death. Gov. King, with a 
small force, proceeded to search Anthony's house, for 
Dorr; but the bird had flown, as already noticed, and 
the search proved bootless. Horsemen were immedi" 
ately despatched in chase of the fugitive, but he 
eluded pursuit, and escaped beyond the borders of the 
State. A very few reckless desperadoes took a stand 
on the hill, and bade defiance to the assembled force. 
The Comrnancler-in-Chief, willing to spare an effusion 
of blood, and knowing that they could not hold out 
long, forebore to fire on them. On assurance being 
given, that if left to themselves they would surrender 
the cannon they had seized, and disperse, the troops 
were ordered fiom the hill. On the next day, Thurs-- 
day. May 19ih, the cannon were returned, and, one 
by one, the stragglers disappeared. 



CONCISE HISTORY. 95 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

It is due to a portion of the Suffrage Party who 
had held out to this time, to state that they ostensibly 
discountenanced the violent proceedings of Mr. Dorr; 
protested against them, refused to take up arms tliem- 
selves, and endeavored to dissuade him and others 
from doing so. They appear to have joined in the 
suffrage cause, with the sole view of carrying their 
points by peaceable means, and to have been hurried 
into tlie vortex of revolution, before they were aw^are, 
and without their consent. A great many others, it 
must be confessed, sly, cunning men, went, secretly 
and silently, as far as they dared to go, leaving at the 
same time a way open for retreat. Had Dorr's 
incipient measures of force succeeded, and final suc- 
cess appeared to be more probable than defeat, they 
would, have been in his ranks ; and, in the close, 
would have uttered loud claims to the spoils of victo^ 
ry. They took, as mercenary cowards generally do, 
wdiat they supposed to be the safe course, and left 
otliers to suffer, less guilty than themselves. 

It would be a vain effort, to attempt to trace Mr. 
Dorr through all his perigrinaiions after his second 
flight from Rhode Island, to the period of his return, 
Tho fact of his having slipped through the fingers of 
the State Authorities a second time, created a great 
deal of feeling, though his absence from the State 
served in a measure to allay the excitement. A very 
large majority of the people supposed that, after a 



96 CONCISE HISTORY 

defeat so signal, he could never rally again, and that, 
in consequence of his supposed disgraceful flight, the 
multitude of his followers would desert him in dis- 
gust. In this respect however, as the sequel will 
show, the friends of the governnnent were doomed to 
find they had deceived themselves, as they had done 
in almost every case during the entire movements of 
the Suffrage Party, and the Dorr party of later 
birth. 

Some of the cowardly leaders of the party, who 
could neither control nor withstand the tempest they 
had raised, urged Dorr's flight, and then apologised to 
their people, by informing them that a compromise 
had been made with the government ; and hinting 
that, by virtue of that compromise, the People's Con- 
stitution would be legally established, and Thomas 
Wilson Dorr recognised as Governor of the State ! 
The whole of this declaration was a complete tissue 
of falsehood, which served the purpose for the mo- 
ment. In a few days, the deception was unveiled, 
and those who had practised it were denounced by 
their party as traitors. Mr. Dorr was again taken 
into favor as a patriot, a hero, and a persecuted man. 
The community had now lost pretty much all sense 
of danger, and the only object appeared to be, to arrest 
Dorr, that he might suflJer the penalty of treason. He 
however managed to evade the demands of the law, 
by eluding the pursuit of its ministers, or guarding 
himself against surprise. His flight occurred as has 
been seen, on Wednesday morning, May 18. Before 
the same hour the next morning, rumor had become 



CONCISE HISTORY. 97 

extremely busy in tracing hirn out, and almost every 
one knew where he was, though scarcely any two 
agreed as to his place of refuge. He undoubtedly 
hovered, however, on the western and north-western 
borders of the State, for several days, and then put 
hiniiself under the protection of Gov. Cleveland, of 
Connecticut. 

Soon after the flight of Mr. Dorr, it was given out 
by some of his family connections, that he had relin- 
quished the object for which he had contended, and 
was to depart immediately for Europe, and would not 
probably return. Many believed, and some who 
knew the spirit of the man, doubled ; but all joined 
in wishing him a speedy departure, a quick passage, 
and a long visit, except those who favored his hostile 
projects. That he had ever intended to leave the 
country, is highly improbable. If he had intended 
to do so, he soon relinquished the intention, and, in 
connexion with other spirits at home and abroad, again 
commenced operations to carry out the contemplated 
revolution. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

From the 2nd of IVIay, all was doubt and uncer 
tainty among the people of the State. The fugitive 
Governor was sometimes caught sight of in Connecti- 
cut, and at other times in the city of New York. 
He was apparently almost continually on the move, 



98 CONCISE HISTORY. 

and yet always in seclusion. Public meetings were 
held by his friends in the principal Atlantic cities, at 
whichj great sympathy was expressed for him and his 
cause, and bitter denunciations poured out on the 
heads of the landholders of Rhode Island ; whose 
damning sin was, that they did not grant an extension 
of suffrage, which Mr. Dorr and his associates had 
positively declared they would not accept, and which 
they had done all they could, to prevent. Several, 
papers in Boston, Providence, New York, Philadel- 
phia, and elsewhere, became the warm advocates of 
the fugitive and his party, and attempts were made to 
raise arms, men, and money, to aid them. Still, all 
continued to be vague and indefinite. Conjecture and 
rumor were extremely active, but those whose inter- 
est it was to know, seemed unable to obtain any clew 
to the secret movements. Business had been long at 
a stand, and a settled gloom rested on the community. 
People generally had sickened of the state of affairs ; 
any attempt to communicate information calculated to 
create either alarm or excitement, was regarded almost 
with indignation. But these feelings were insufficient 
to Stay the progress of events, and those who most 
dreaded to look on the shadow, were soon to be arous- 
ed to a frightful sense of the reality. 

It is probable that Mr. Dorr proceeded to New 
York, about the 25th of May, in company with a 
man from that city, who appears to have been deeply 
in his confidence and interest. That he afterwards 
returned to Connecticut, is probable, if not certain ; 
and Gov. King made a requisition on the Governor 



CONCISE HiSTORr. 99 

of that State, Chauncy F. Cleaveland, for his delivery 
to the authorities of Rhode Island, as a fugitive from 
justice. The demand was not complied with ; and, 
June 8, Gov. King issued the following proclamation. 

BY HIS EXCELLENCY 
SAMUEL WARD KING, 

Governor, Captain General,and Commander-in-Chief 

of the State of Rhode Island and Providence 

Plantations. 

Whereas, THOHAS WILSON DORR, of Prov- 
idence, in the county of Providence, charged with 
treason against the said State of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations, is a fugitive from justice, and 
supposed to be now within the limits of our sister 
State of Connecticut ; and from credible information, 
is still pursuing his nefarious enterprise against the 
peace and dignity of said State of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations ; and Whereas, I made a re- 
quisition, on the 25th day of May last, addressed to 
his Excellency Chauncy F. Cleveland, Governor of 
said State of Connecticut, for the apprehehsion and 
delivery of the said Thomas W^ilson Dorr, according 
to the constitution and law of the United States in 
such case made and provided ; which requisition his 
Excellency Chauncy F. Cleveland, Governor of said 
State, has hitherto declined to comply with : 

I do, therefore, pursuant to authority in me vested, 
and by advice of the Council, hereby offer a reward 
of One Thousand Dollars for the delivery of the said 
Thomas Wilson Dorr to the proper civil authority of 



100 CONCISE HISTORY. 

this State, within one year from the date liereof, that 
he may be dealt with as to law and justice shall apper- 
tain. 

Given under my hand and the seal of said State at 
the city of Providence, this eighth day of June, 
[l.s.] in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and forty-two, and of the Independence of 
the United States of America the sixty-sixth. 
SAMUEL WARD KLNG, 
By his Excellency's command : 
Henry Bowen, 
Secretary of State. 

But this proclamation, with its temptation in the 
form of one thousand dollars, proved not sufficiently 
potent to fix the grasp of the sheriff on its object. In 
the city of New York, probably surrounded by his 
'•' Spartan Band, " said to be a body of men of no 
particular principles or description, and with the coun- 
tenance and aid of others of a more elevated standing 
in society, he defied. the Proclamation an^ the sheriff, 
and remained secure from arrest. Meantime, rumors 
were continually afloat, of large supplies of arms, men, 
and money, to be furnished him from Boston, New 
York, and elsewhere. About the same time, he ad- 
dressed the Legislature of Maine, through the medium 
of Gov. Fairfield ; but all he received in reply, was, 
the cold comfort of a few resolutions by way of sym- 
pathy. 

After a breathing spell of a few days, the party 
again began to move in Rhode Island. The Procla- 



CONCISE HISTORY. 101 

mation created some excitement among them, and by 
June 11th, three days after its date, there appeared 
some indications of a general movement among the 
Insurgents in the northern part of the State. It may 
be well to remark in this place, that, a very large 
proportion of Mr. Dorr's strength, is, as it has been 
from the commencement, in tlie city and county of 
Providence. A few it is believed have joined him in 
his hostile movements, from some other towns and 
counties, but their number has been so small as to be 
scarcely deserving of notice. But, in the county of 
Providence they have been able to muster in consid- 
erable force, and, in some towns, have overawed the 
friends of law and order, and, by threats, prevented 
them from taking up arms, Mr. Dorr had found the 
city altogether too warm for him on the 18th, of May ; 
and although his assembly had been adjourned to meet 
there again on the Fourth of July, he consulted pru- 
dence, and came to the conclusion to change the place 
of meeting, and to call the body together in some 
place in the country, where he could more readily 
concentrate his force and give his enemies more trouble 
to get at him; and from which position he might, if 
need be, more readily withdraw into Connecticut, un- 
der the wing of his kind friend and protector. Gov. 
Cleaveland. 

As early as the 10th of June, the Insurgents began 
to make their demonstrations. At Woonsocket, a 
large manufacturing village on the river Blackstone, 
partly in Cumberland, and partly in Smithfield, they 
commenced the work of reorganization, and began lo 
9 



102 CONCISE HISTORY. 

parade in arms. Almost simultaneously with this 
movement, small bands of armed men of the same 
party, sprang up in Providence, North Providence, 
Cumberland, Glocester, and Burrillville, and hints 
were thrown out, of what was to come. Much pains 
were also taken by them to collect implements and 
munitions of war. Yet the friends of the {government, 
though they entertained some undefined notion that an 
attempt would be made to hold the July session of the 
General Assembly under the People^s Constitution, 
would hardly beheve it possible that, so soon after 
such a signal defeat and dispersion as that of May 
18th, another serious effort would be made to appear 
in arms, with a hostile intent. Every supposition to 
that effect was treated with ridicule, and every pains 
taken to prevent reports of that character from gaining 
credit, and to allay public excitement. Many of the 
reports were no doubt untrue ; such as the collection 
of thousands of stands of arms, a numerous park of 
Artillery, a host of troops from other slates, ^c. But 
enough was known to those who kept a watchful eye 
on the Insurgent movements, to justify the prediction 
that another attempt would be made, to obtain pos- 
session of the State. A number of pieces of cannon 
in the city, and elsewhere, mysteriously disap[)eared ; 
and secret meetings, and dark hints, exhibited indica- 
tions hardly to be mistaken. 

At length an occurrence look place, which, like the 
capture of the cannon on the 17ih, of May, dispelled 
all doubt, and put the government party on their 
guard. Those same cannon had been put into the 



CONCISE HISTORY. 103 

hands of the Artillery Company, at Warren, a small 
town about nine miles from Providence ; and, from 
subsequent developements, it appears the Insurgents 
determined to repossess themselves of them. Accord- 
ingly on the night of Saturday, June 18th, a party of 
about fifty men repaired thither for that purpose; 
taking with them four horses, to convey the pieces 
to Providence. The night was dark and stormy, and 
therefore favorable to the attempt. But the night 
patrol in Providence got wind of the movement short- 
ly after the company had started ; and four men were 
despatched express to Wairen, to give the alarm. 
From some cause, perhaps in consequence of the 
darkness of the night, the maurauders mistook the 
place where the cannon were deposited, and erron- 
eously broke open two other buildings. Before they 
had attempted the third, the express arrived, and turn- 
ed out the guard, who instantly alarmed the town. 
In less than thirty minutes, there were two hundred 
and fifty men in the streets, under arms ; but the In- 
surgents all escaped, though many of them have since 
been taken. The alarm was fortunate for them, for 
had they succeeded in their attempt to get at the can- 
non, probably but few of them would have lived to 
tell the tale. On the Monday succeeding the forego- 
ing attempt, a Powder ^Magazine a short distance out 
of the city, was discovered, by the gentleman who 
owned it, to have been broken open within the three 
preceding days, and forty-eight kegs containing twelve 
hundred pounds of gunpowder, to have been taken 
from it. No doubt was entertained as to the direction 
the stolen article had taken. 



104 CONCISE HISTORY. 

The public attention had been for some time drawn 
to Woonsocket, as the scene of future operations, by 
the activity manifested there. But many considered 
the movements in that village as a mere feint, to turn 
attention from the spot where Mr. Dorr and his friends 
really intended to take post. Chepachet, a consider- 
able village in the town of Glocester, was one mile 
farther distant from Providence than Woonsoket was, 
and only about six miles from the line of Connecticut ; 
and the town and the village were strong in his favor. 
That was considered his most eligible post, and there, 
his forces eventually concentrated. By the 20th of 
June, demonstrations were made which left the fact, 
and the object in view, no longer doubtful. Men 
with arms, and men without arms, began to collect on 
the spot, and an embankment was soon thrown up by 
them, on an eminence which commanded, at once, 
the village and the great road leading from Providence 
through it, on the route through Connecticut, to 
Springfield, Mass. On the 23d of June, the General 
Assembly then in session, passed a resolution, author- 
ising the Governor and Council to proclaim Martial 
Law when they should think it necessary. The 
friends of Dorr who intended to take up arms, and 
others who were fearful of being pressed into the 
government service, took the hint, and fled to the 
Insurgent camp. The resolution was passed on 
Friday ; and by the following Sunday, there were 
found in the camp, about eight hundred men, proba- 
bly something more than one half tiie number armed ; 
about one hundred otheis having left on Saturday, 



CONCISE HISTORY, i05 

and returned to their homes. Mr, Dorr had arrived 
at Norwich, Ct., from New York, on the 22d, and 
arrived at Chepachet on the morning of the 25th. 
The military occupied the village, and made use of 
many of the houses for barracks. Some of the 
inhabitants fled ; but as Martial Law was enforced, 
and the roads occupied by Insurgent guards and 
scouts, it became diflicult and dangerous either to 
leave the village, or to approach it. 

On the day of his arrival at Chepachet, the would- 
be Governor issued the following documents : 

State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 
A PROCLAMATION. 

BY THE GOVERNOR OF THE SAME. 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by the 
constitution, I hereby convene the General Assembly 
which was adjourned to meet at Providence on Mon- 
day, the 4th of July next, at the town of Glocester, 
on the same day, for the transaction of such business 
as may come before them. 

And I hereby request the towns and districts, in 
which vacancies may have occurred, by the resigna- 
tions of Representatives or Senators, to proceed forth- 
with to supply the same by new elections, according 
to the provisions of the constitution. 

Given under my hand and seal of state, at Gloces- 
ter, the Soth day of June, A. D. 1842. 

THOMAS W. DORR 
9* 



106 " CONCISE HISTORY. 

GENERAL ORDERS. 
Head Quarters, Glocester, R. I., 

June 25ih, 1842. 

I hereby direct the military of this State, who are 
in favor of the People's Constitution, to repair forth- 
Avith to head quarters, there to await further orders : 
and I request all volunteers and volunteer companies 
so disposed to do the same. 

It lias become the duty of all citizens who believe 
that the people are sovereign, and have a right to 
make and alter their forms of government, now to 
sustain by all necessary means, the constitution adopt- 
ed -and established by the people of this State, and 
the government elected under the same. 

The only alternative is an abject submission to a 
despotism, in its various practical effects, without a 
parallel in the history of the American States. I call 
upon the people of Rhode Island to assert their rights, 
and to vindicate the freedom which they are qualified 
to enjoy in common with the other citizens of the 
American republic. 

I cannot doubt that they will cheerfully and 
promptly respond to this appeal to their patriotism 
and to their sense of justice ; and that they will show 
themselves in this exigency to be the worthy descend- 
ants of those ancestors who aided in achieving our 
National Independence. 

THOMAS W, DORR, 
Governor and Commander-in-Chief. 
By order of the Commander-in-Chief, 

William H. Potter, Adjutant General. 



CONCISE HISTORY. 107 

How, or by what means, the above was circulated 
in the State, if at all, is not known, as the papers 
here which had previously advocated his cause, re- 
fused to publish it, and the above copy is from a 
New York paper. 



CHAPTER XX. 

The drama was now fairly opened ; and all the 
preparations were either made, or in progress, for a 
bloody tragedy, which was destined to prove one of 
the most absolute and laughable farces, as far as 
the Chepachet manager and his Dramatis Persona3 
were concerned, ever represented on any stage since 
war or theatricals were first invented ; or in which a 
Shales or a Bobadil, has ever figured. 

The General Assembly had recommended the for- 
mation of a Volunteer Armed Police. In the city of 
Providence, for which the act was particularly intend- 
ed, the call was promptly met. Rolls were opened 
in the several Wards of the city, and in a very short 
time the citizens had enrolled themselves to the num- 
ber of about one thousand. The companies thus 
formed were duly organized, officered, and drilled ; 
and the city itself was capable of turning out an 
effective force of more than twelve hundred, for her 
own defence, at a moment's warning. Providence, 
Warren, Bristol, and Newport, had assumed the ap- 
pearance of so many camps — portions of their citi- 



108 CONCISE HISTORY. 

zens were almost continually under arms — and day 
and night were devoted to military tactics. The 
same spirit spread through most other portions of the 
State, except the country towns in the county of 
Providence, but two of which either would or dared 
to follow the example. 

The first act of open hostility was committed by a 
portion of the Insurgent forces. On Wednesday 
night, June 23, Messrs. Charles J. Shelly, John C, 
Keep, Samuel W, Peckham, and Charles F. Harris, 
went out from Providence on a scouting expedition. 
During the nigiit, they were fallen in with by a de- 
tachment from Dorr's camp, and taken prisoners. 
They were disarmed, robbed, and bound, and marched 
off twelve miles on foot to Woonsocket. Mr, Shelly, 
a large man, and out of health, had his hands tied 
behind him ; and whenever he appeared to lag, was 
driven forward witli the point of the bayonet ; till at 
length, completely exhausted, he fainted, and was 
tossed into a wagon. He has not yet fully recovered 
his health. The rest, though roughly handled, were 
treated with less barbarity. In justice to the officers 
to whose custody they were delivered, we would 
remark that they disapproved of the treatment, and 
caused the prisoners to be released ; but neither their 
arms nor money were restored. 

On Tuesday, June 21, the General Assembly con- 
vened at Newport. Determined to do every thing in 
its power for conciliation, and to avert the evils of a 
sanguinary conflict in arms, that body, in co/npliance 
with numerous petitions, as well as the disposition of- 



CONCISE HISTORY. 109 

the members, passed an act to call a convention for 
the formation of a constitution. The convention to 
be lield at Newport on the second IMonday in Sep- 
tember, 1842. 

The following are the provisions of ilie act, respect- 
ing the right of suffrage and, the representation in the 
convention. 

^' Section 3. The Constitution or Articles agreed 
upon by the Convention, shall be submitted to those 
qualified to vote as hereinafter provided, in open town 
or ward .meetings, to be held on such day or days, 
and in such time and manner, as the Convention shall 
direct. The Constitution or articles shall be certified 
by the Presidents and Secretaries, and with the journal 
and papers of the Convention deposited in the office 
of the Secretary of State, who shall immediately dis- 
tribute to the several town and city clerks, in due 
proportion, five thousand printed copies of the Con- 
stitution or articles, in pamphlet form, and also thirty 
thousand ballots, on one side of which shall be printed 
" Constitution, or Articles proposed by the Conven- 
tion holden at Newport on the second Monday of 
September, A. D. 1842 ;" and on the other side 
thereof shall be written or printed the word " Adopt " 
on one half of them, and the word '• Reject " on the 
other half. He shall also cause said Constitution or 
articles to be published in any other manner the 
Convention may prescribe. 

Section 5. The Delegates to said Convention shall 



110 CONCISE HISTORY. 

be elected upon a basis of population as follows, ac- 
cording to the census of 1840: every town of not 
more than 3,000 inhabitants, may elect two delegates : 
over 3,000 and not over 6,000 three delegates ; over 
6,000 and not over 10,000 four delegates; over 
10,000 and not over 15,000 five delegates; and 
over 15,000, six delegates. 

Section 6. In the choice of delegates to said Con- 
vention, the following descriptions of persons shall be 
admitted to vote. All those who are qualified to vote 
for general officers by existing laws, and all native 
male citizens of the United States, (except Narragan- 
sett Indians, convicts, paupers, persons under guardian- 
ship and non compos mentis,) who are of the age of 21 
years and upwards, and who shall have had their per- 
manent residence or home within this State for the 
period of 3 years next preceding their voting, and in 
the town or city wherein they offer to vote for the 
period of one year next preceding such voting, and 
who shall have had their names recoided with the 
town or city clerk of the town or city in which they 
shall offer to vote, in proper books to be kept by said 
town or city clerks for that purpose at least ten days 
before the day of voting ; and in voting upon the 
adoption or rejection of said constitution or articles, in 
addition to those who are qualified to vote for general 
officers by the existing law^s, all those shall be admit- 
ted to vote who will be qualified to vote for general 
officers under the provisions of said constitution or 
articles, if in force : — but this provision shall not be 



CONCISE HISTORY. HI 

construed to give to any person a right to vote at any 
town or ward meeting, held under and by virtue of 
this act, upon any other question or questions than the 
questions herein specifically named." 

This act, as was well known beforehand, served to 
satisfy a great many of the disaffected party, and had 
the eftect, at the same time, to bring out one of the 
strange inconsistencies of human character. The' 
same persons who were now satisfied with the exten- 
sion of sufi^rage in merely voting for delegates, and for 
or against the constitution to be proposed by them, 
were among tl)e most strenuous opposers of the Land- 
holders' Constitution, in March, because it was not 
liberal enough as respected the elective franchise, nor 
just in the representative apportionment. Yet that 
constitution required only a residence of two years in 
the state, and six months in a town or city, to qualify 
a native citizen to vote, and the act of June, 1842^ 
requires as has been seen, a residence of three years 
in the state and one year in the town or city. Both 
that constitution, and this act, confine the extension 
of suffrage to native citizens, and the latter extends it 
to the colored population. The exclusion of natur- 
alized foreigners was, in the view of these late convertSj 
a damning sin in the Landholders' Corstitution, and 
a direct violation of the constitution of the United 
States; and nine tenths of them were bitterly opposed 
to the admission of colored people to the ballot boxes. 
Nor is the representative apportionment, in the act, 
any more equal, than it was in the above consti- 



11^ CONCISE HISTORY. 

tution. Yet many of the persons who led the van 
against the constitution, moved heaven and earth for 
its rejection, and pushed on the multitude to the work 
of revolution, to the great hazard of individual and 
public safety, and to the sacrifice of more than fifty 
thousand dollars to the state in the shape of expenses, 
and five times that amount in other ways to the com- 
munity, fire now fully satisfied ! Such is the incon- 
sistency of men, whose opinions, feelings, and princi- 
ples are absorbed in partizan warfare. 

When a large number of individuals, of the Suf- 
frage Party, became satisfied that the constitution 
offered in March was a liberal compromise that ought 
to be accepted, they were stigmatised by the same 
men who have now recanted, as renegades and trai- 
tors. And yet, after having rejected that constitu- 
tion, and driven the State to the vero;e of a san^uin- 
ary civil war, those same valorous spirits are fully 
satisfied with an oflJer far less liberal, and disavow the 
idea of ever having intended to resort to force ! But 
we must return to our story. 

The Executive Authority, finding that the State 
was immediately menaced with violence, became sat- 
isfied that instant and decisive measures were necessary, 
to avert the impending storm, and to render its fury 
impotent. To do this, it was thought expedient to 
bring a force into the field, of sufficient magnitude to 
overawe the foe, and thus, if possible, to prevent a 
waste of blood. 

By reference to the letter of President Tyler, to 
Gov. King, under date of May 7, 1842, it will be 



CONCISE HISTORY. 113 

seen that the President stated that, under the author- 
ity of the resolutions previously adopted by the Gen- 
eral Assembly, he would, on any future occasion of 
lawless violence, promptly furnish military aid, on 
the application of the Governor alone. The assem- 
blage of the insurgent force at Chepachet, in arms, 
the General Orders and Proclamation of Mr. Dorr, 
the occupation of the village and the roads by 
an armed force, the capture, detention, and cruel 
treatment of the friends of the government, Sic. were 
circumstances which seemed to the Executive of the 
State, to come fully within a fair construction of the 
President's assurance. Gov. King hence made a 
third requisition for aid, which was rejected because 
it did not proceed from the State Legislature, then in 
session ! 

On the 23d of June, the Commander-in-Chief 
issued his orders to the military to put themselves in 
readiness, and to be prepared to take the field at a 
moment's warning ; and on the 24tli a steamboat was 
ordered down the Bay, to bring in the troops from 
Warren, Bristol, and New^port, In the afternoon of 
the same day, she returned, bringing in three compa- 
nies of artillery, one from each of the above places, 
with seven pieces of brass ordnance, six pounders. 
The boat returned down the Bay, and, the next day, 
June 26th, brought in about three hundred infantry ; 
militia and volunteers, from Newport, Tiverton, War- 
ren and Barrington. Meantime, a company of about 
eighty volunteers had arrived from Warwick and Cov- 
entry ; and a considerable body from Portsmouth, 
10 



114 CONCISE HISTORY. 

Middletovvn, Little Compton, and other places. On 
Sunday, the Washington Brigade, entire, came in on 
the Stonington Railroad, mustering about five hundred 
strong; and the Kentish Guards, a chartered company 
of about fifty men, swelled the force. The Fourth 
Brigade, of about three hundred men mustered in the 
southern portion of the State, and without coming to 
Providence, were under orders to be ready to march 
by a different direction, to the scene of expected 
action. A company of Sea Fencibles, composed of 
mariners, a bold and hardy set of men, had been form- 
ed. They numbered sixty-five men, and were to 
take out with them, a Paixham gun, (a thirty-two 
pounder,) ^and an iron twelve pounder. A company 
of Carbineers was also formed, mostly of young men 
beloncrinor in Rhode Island, but resident for the time 
in New York ; and who had returned to their native 
State, to tender their aid in the hour of peril. They 
were armed with Colt's repeating carbines, each with 
six barrels. By Sunday evening, June 26th, the 
force mustered in the city was not far from three 
thousand strong, and continually augmenting. Among- 
then), were thirteen pieces of artillery, all six pound- 
ers, except the two above named. Many of the 
troops from the country were without arms, but they 
were promptly armed and equipped from the govern- 
ment stores ; and the whole presen-ted a formidable 
front. On Saturday, Jutie 25th, the General Assem- 
bly passed an act placing the State under Martial 
Law. On Sunday morning guards were posted at 
the avenues into the city, and in ^larket Square ; and 



CONCISE HISTORY 



115 



many persons were put under arrest. The streets 
were thronged with the mihtary, and others ; and 
nothnig was seen, heard, or talked of, hut the array 
and dhi of war ; while troops continued to press in, in 
large hodies, companies, and squads. 

Wm. Gibbs McNeil was appointed to command 
the forces, with the rank of Major General, and 
entered forthwith on the duties of his office. Asso- 
ciated with him, were many gentlemen of talents and 
energy, and well qualified to aid, both in council and 
the field. 

The plan of operations appears to have been, to 
concentrate a portion of the force in front of the In- 
surgent encampment, at Chepachet, by marching 
detachments to the village on the several routes lead- 
ing to it, from Providence and Woonsocket. Another 
object was, to throw in a strong force between 
the encampment and the Connecticut line, to pre- 
vent the enemy from retreating to the rear. Ac- 
cordingly, the National Cadets, ninety strong, under 
the command of Col. Josiah H. IMartin, took up the 
line of march for Woonsocket, on iMonday, June !2Tth, 
at 10 o'clock, A. iM. They arrived there after a 
march of a few hours, and took post in the village. 
They were to have been followed by the Sea Fenci- 
ble?, in the afternoon ; but, in consequence of some 
mistake about transportation, that corps was detained 
till Tuesday morning. 

On Sunday, the 26th, the Bristol Artillery, the 
Bristol Neck Infantry, and the Newport, Middletown, 
and Barrington volunteers, marched on the road to 



116 CONCISE HISTORY. 

Chepachet, by Fruit Hill, and were joined on Mon- 
day the 2Tth by the First Lt. Infantry, and the Marine 
Artillery, of Providence, at Greenville. The New- 
port Artillery, Warren Artillery, and Warren Infantry, 
marched for Scituate on the same day ; and the Third 
Washington Brigade, under Gen. Steadman, took the 
road through Foster. They were joined, on the 
march, by a portion of the Fourth, or Kent Brigade 
under Gen. Greene. The object of this latter force, 
was, to throw itself between Chepachet and the Con- 
necticut line, to cut off the retreat of Mr. Dorr and 
his force. There are several companies and detach- 
ments not included in the above, whose particular 
stations and duty the writer is not, at this moment, 
able to learn ; but which will be* mentioned in the 
sequel. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

The plan was well laid, and could it have been 
carried out earlier, would undoubtedly have resulted 
in the capture of the entire force at Chepachet. But 
the movement of the troops was a few hours too late 
for that result. It is probable Mr. Dorr and his friends 
expected a re-enforcement of men from New York, 
and did not calculate on a movement so speedy and 
efficient on the part of his adversaries ; but his re- 
enforcement did not arrive, though report says it was 
on its way. On Monday, he received intelligence 



CONCISE HISTORY. 117 

of the preparations nearly completed, to attack him. 
During the day, his father visited his quarters, and 
remonstrated with him ao^ainst his rash iindertakinor. 
And at about seven o'clock P. M. he silently and 
privately decamped. leaving behind him a letter, in 
which he directed his forces to disband themselves. 
At the same time, he addressed a note to a gentleman 
in Providence, of which, the following is a copy. 

Glocester June 21th, 1842. 
Dear Sir, — Please hand the enclosed as directed. 
Believing, that a majority of the People who voted for 
the constitution, are opposed to its further support by 
military means, I have directed that the military here 
assembled be dismissed. 

I trust that no impediments will be thrown in the 
way of the return of our men to their homes. 

Yours truly, 

T. VV. DORR. 
The communication refered to and enclosed in the 
above letter went immediately on its receipt before the 
Governor and Council — and was published in the 
Daily Express June 28th. 

Immediately on tlie receipt of the above, all was 
bustle and commotion in the city. The night proved 
dark, and the rain poured in torrents. But orders 
were dispatched to the troops on the roads, marching 
to the rear ot the Insurgent force, to push on, which 
was done accordingly ; and another was despatched 
to Woonsocket, for the Cadets to retire from that post, 
10* 



118 CONCISE HISTORY. 

lest an overpowering force should press down upon 
them, from Chepachet. The orders were prompily 
obeyed. The Cadets, however, returned to their 
post very early on Tuesday morning, where they 
were soon reenforced by the Sea Fencibles, and a de- 
tachment of one hundred and eight men from the City 
Guards. They immediately took possession of the 
village, enforced martial law, and remained there, 
through the week, except the Cily Guards, who re- 
turned to town on Thursday. On Tuesday, the 
detachments on the various roads, one after the other 
arrived at Chepachet ; but they found the camp nearly 
deserted, and every thing in disorder. They captured 
a considerable number of prisoners, five pieces of can- 
non which were in the camp, and one in the woods, 
together with a quantity of arms, ammunition, and 
bao-o-atre ; after whicl), the main body returned to the 
city, leaving a force to occupy the village, to preserve 
peace, and protect the inhabitants, for a few days. 

On the same day that Dorr evacuated his camp, a 
body of some two or three hundred men assembled in 
Pawtucket Mass. with several well known adherents 
of Mr. Dorr among them, apparently determined to 
break through the lines, to cross the bridge, and to en- 
ter Rhode Island. The Kentish Guards were posted 
on the Rhode Island side of the Bridge, in Pawtucket. 
[The bridge is all in Rhode Island,] Early in the 
evening, the mob began to press on ; and assailed the 
guard with brack-bats and other missiles ; and wounds 
ed one or more. They were ordered to disperse, but 
would not obey the cotnmand. A volley of musketry 



CONCISE HISTORif 119 

was fired over their heads ; and still they persisted. 
A second order to disperse, was given, with no better 
effect; and the order to fire, was given, and promptly 
obeyed. One man was killed, and probably one or 
two others slightly wounded. In the evening, the 
Carbineers were ordered out ; who, on their arrival, 
reheved the Kentish Guards, and cleared the bridore. 
A detachment of the City Guards was also sent out ; 
and next day, they were followed by the United Train 
of Artillery, with two six pounders. For several 
nights, the mob continued to collect, and to disperse 
in the day time ; but no farther violence was offered 
after Monday night. From day to day, portions of 
the force were recalled ; the Cabineers remaining on 
duty in the village, till Friday afternoon. 

There were many incidents that occurred during 
this almost bloodless campaio;n, with which we should 
like to enliven our pages, but space will not permit, 
and we are compelled to pass them by. 

The writer has implied that the' movements were 
not sufticiently prompt to gain the grand object, the 
capture of IMr. Dorr, and his entire force, although the 
whole were routed and dispersed by the mere appear- 
ance of the formidable array, and the war apparently 
ended. But so far from its being matter of surprise 
that such delay should havooccurred, it is astonishino- 
that, under the circumstances, it had not been much 
greater. It was only on Friday the order for troops 
was issued. They were men to be called from their 
several occupations from all sections of the state, and 
few, except members of chartered companies, at all 



120 COXCISE HISTORY 

accustomed even to ordinary military duty. Yet, by 
Sunday afternoon, nearly three thousand had been 
collected at Providence. A large number of these 
were either badly armed, or not armed at all ; and lit- 
tle or no preparation had been made for supplies by the 
commissary Department. Yet, under all these disad- 
vantages, a large proportion of the troops were ready 
for the field on Sunday ; the rest were so by Monday 
noon ; and before Monday night, the arrangements 
were complete, and the entire body either on the 
march, or prepared to move at the first sound of the 
bugle. Seldom, if ever, has greater promptness and 
energy been displayed, on any occasion, in mustering 
a militia force ; and never can there have been greater 
alacrity and willingness on the part of the force itself. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

On Friday, June 24, the General Assembly ad- 
journed at Newport, to meet at Providence the next 
day. We have already seen that they established 
Martial Law. On Monday, the 27th, they voted to 
adjourn till the Thursday following ; and most of the 
members not occupied with other public duties, armed 
themselves and took the field. Immediately after the 
flight of Mr. Dorr, Gov. King issued another Procla- 
mation for his arrest, offering a reward of five thousand 
dollars. The Legislature assembled again after the 



CONCISE HISTORY. 121 

war, according to adjournment, adopted measures to 
pay the expenses incurred, appointed commissioners to 
settle claims, and others to examine prisoners, and 
adjourned to October. 

Since that time, INIartial Law has continued in 
force, though by a General Order, farther arrests 
under it are prohibited, unless by virtue of a warrant 
from the Governor himself, or a member of his coun- 
cil ; and peace and quiet prevail.. A large number 
of persons who fled from |he camp at Chepachet are 
either absent from the State, or concealed within it. 
And many who favored Mr. Dorr's cause, who were 
unwilling to run the hazard of taking up arms, left 
the State at the commencement of the trouble, and 
have not yet returned. 

The execution of INIartial Law, is always unpleas- 
ant, and, even in the hands of persons averse to harsh 
measures, will ever be attended with some evils which 
it is almost hnpossible to avoid ; while it certainly 
affords an opportunity to those d.ijV^'\:ed to do so, to 
gratify the feelings of private ani^^^.."^.. It is a 
measure which nothing but the paramount considera- 
tion of the public safety can justify, and even then, 
in its mildest form, can never fail to call forth com- 
plaints from those who are affected by it. In the 
present case, many of those who have been arrested, 
and others whose premises underwent the '^searching 
operation, " and who were entirely unaccustomed to 
such a state of affairs, have exclaimed loudly against 
it, as an act of arbitrary tyranny. It is altogether 
likely, for it could hardly be expected to be otherwise. 



122 CONCISE iiisToiir. 

that, Iq some cases, undue seventy may have been 
practised, and that some who were innocent, may 
have suffered. Yet probably in few instances, if in 
any, has abuse been intended, and there is reason to 
behevc that, the disagreeable duty of arrest and search 
has been performed with as much prudence and gen- 
tleness as circumstances would permit. 

Of the capture and treatment of prisoners, too, a 
great deal has been said abroad, though little or noth- 
ing is heard on the subject among our own citizens. 
A state of captivity is not always the most agreeable, 
nor could a large body of prisoners reasonably expect 
to occupy. the best rooms in first rate hotels, nor to be 
entertained in gentlemanly style, and treated daily to 
Madeira and Champaign. It may be said that, for 
men to be marched to prison, and to be fed on com- 
mon food, is a hard lot ; and so it is. So it is also, 
for others to march to the field to capture them, and 
to live on the same sort of food. The fact is, that, as 
to marchinff ;/'(i det, the troops and their prisoners 
have fared aliKe, and the troops say their supplies 
have been good and abundant. Supplies equally 
good and abundant have been continued ; and it is 
enough to say that, since the arrival of the prisoners 
in Providence, about 200, after all their exposure, 
privations, and hardships, in the camp at Chepachet, 
not one has died, or been seriously indisposed. On 
the whole, take the affair from the commencement to 
the close, as little abuse, of any description, has been 
experienced or practised on either side, as could possi- 
bly be expected in such a state of public feeling. 



CONCISE HISTORY. 123 

And the discharge of a vast proportion of the prison- 
ers certainly does not manifest, on the part of the 
government, a disposition to persecute those who may 
have fallen into their hands. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

In penning the foregoing brief narrative, it has been 
the intention of the author to state nothing but facts ; 
and he believes he may safely venture to appeal to 
any member of the Executive Committee of the 
Suffrage Association, conversant with its affairs from 
the commencement, to bear him out. The author, 
though for some years an ardent advocate for a writ- 
ten constitution, and an extension of suffrage, has not 
been a member of the Suffrage Association since July, 
1840 ; nor has he ever filled any office in that body, 
either as a lecturer, or any thing else. He has acted 
independently and alone ; and yet has been placed in 
a situation, in which he has had opportunities to be- 
come acquainted with all its movements. With hun- 
dreds of others, he boldly advocated, as he still does, 
the original sovereignty of the people, the source 
of all political power. But he has also recognised the 
great principle, that force is never to be exercised for 
redress of grievances, till in the last extremity, all 
peaceable remedies shall have been applied, and prov- 
ed ineffectual. It was on this principle, that he re- 



124 CONCISE HISTORY. 

that constitution, quit the ranks of the party, and voted 
for the other constitution, in March, 1842. In the 
contest, all that the party in favor of the People's 
Constitution could muster to defeat the other, includ- 
ing 800 men opposed to both, and as many more of 
the same description who did not vote at all, was but 
about 8,000. The rest, by their votes, repudiated 
the People's Constitution, and showed themselves to 
be satisfied with the other. But there was to come 
another test, and still another, of the validity of the 
declaration uttered by the People's Convention — 
" The Constitution is adopted, and shall be 
MAINTAINED, " If the majority had really, in what 
they considered a binding manner, adopted the con- 
stitution, they would sustain that declaration. If they 
would not, and chose, in the exercise of their original 
sovereign capacity, to sustain another government, 
there was an end to the People's Constitution ; and a 
legitimate end too, of which none can complain; because 
such was the doctrine of the convention itself. Well ; 
preparation was made to maintain the constitution by 
force, and what has been the issue ? 

Much as has been said about the arbitrary and 
overbearing spirit of those who have opposed Mr. 
Dorr and his friends, in their attempts at revolution ; 
but there is one remarkable fact that stands out in bold 
relief, and would seem to contradict the oft repeated 
assertion. Mr. Dorr and his friends boldly declared 
their intention, to be, to appeal to arms, unless the 
General Assembly gave up the government to them. 
Yet, without molestation or hindrance, they were per- 



CONCISE HISTORY. 125 

milted to collect all the men they could, to organise 
and drill them as a military force, to arm and equip 
them in open day, to call them into the field with the 
avowed purpose of overturning the government, and 
finally, to encamp themselves in the most populous 
place in the state. And after all, when those troops 
were marclied up to attack an overwhelming force, 
these arbitrary landholders and tyrants looked calmly 
and patiently on, awaiting the first shot, determined 
not to spill the first blood. And then they permitted 
the conquered party to retire, unmolested, to their 
homes. Mr. Dorr, in two months, had collected two 
hundred and fifty men. Governor King, had called 
together eight hundred ; and might, if neceesary, have 
had as many thousands. 

Again Mr. Dorr made an effort to rally. His forces 
now mustered and drilled in any part of the state they 
chose, and procured arms and ammunition where 
and how they pleased ; and no one disturbed them. 
They were also allowed to entrench themselves again 
in a new and strong position ; and when Mr. Dorr 
had swelled his force as much as it seemed possible 
to do, he could number a host of eight hundred men. 
The arbitrary tyrants then very obligingly gave Mr. 
Dorr and his men a chance to learn with what num- 
ber of men, and with what advantages, they were to 
be attacked and they might, at their option, either 
run away, or slay and be cut to pieces. They pre- 
ferred to run away ; and then again, in the exercise 
of their arbitrary tyranny, the authorities have dismiss- 
ed, without punishment, more than three fourths of 
11* 



126 CONCISE HISTORY. 

all their captives. In the end, Mr. Dorr becanae sat- 
isfied, that a majority of the people of Rhode Island 
will not sustain, and do not wish to see established, 
the People's Constitution, and a government under it. 
The only coercive measure adopted by the legislative 
authority, from the commencement, except to arm the 
people and to call them into the field for defence, was 
the law which its opponents call the Algerine Law. 
And even that affected persons only who took office 
under the new Government, while the people were 
left to act as they pleased. The whole presents one 
of the most singular pictures of tyranny of which we 
have ever heard or read. 



APPENDIX. 



SECOND LETTER OF PRESIDENT TYLER. 

BY HIS EXCELLENCY 

SAMUEL WARD KING, 

Governor, Captain General, and Commander in-Chief of 
the State of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas, the President of the United States has trans- 
mitted to me a communication touching the political 
affairs of this State, a copy whereof is hereunto an- 
nexed : 

I do therefore issue this my Proclamation, to make 
known the same to the People of this State, and more 
especially to those engaged in treasonable enterprise 
against the Laws and Government thereof, that they may 
give heed thereto, and govern themselves accordingly. 
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of said 
State to be affixed to these Presents, and have 
signed the same with my hand. Given at New- 
[l. s.] port, on the eleventh day of May, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty- 
two, and of the Independence of the United 
States of America the sixty-sixth. 

SAMUEL WARD KING. 

By his Excellency's command : 

Henry Bowen, Secretary of State, 



128 APPENDIX 

To the Governor of the State of Rhode Island. 
Washington City, May 7, 1842. 

Sir, — Your letter of the 4th inst., transmitting Reso- 
lutions of the Legislature of Rhode Island, informing me 
that there existed in that State '* certain lawless assem- 
blages of a portion of the people," for the purpose of 
subvertmg the laws and overthrowing the existing Gov- 
ernment, and calling upon the Executive " forthwith to 
interpose the power and authority of the United States 
to suppress such insurrectionary and lawless assemblages, 
and to support the existing government and laws, and 
protect the State from domestic violence," was handed 
me on yesterday, by Messrs. Randolph and Potter. 

I have to inform your Excellency in reply, that my 
opinions as to the duties of this Government to protect 
the State of Rhode Island against domestic violence, re- 
main unchanged. Yet, from information received by the 
Executive since your despatches came to hand, I am led 
to believe that the lawless assemblages to which reference 
is made, heve already dispersed, and that the danger of 
domestic violence is hourly diminishing, if it has not 
wholly disappeared. I have with difficulty brought my- 
selt at any time to believe, that violence would be re- 
sorted to, or an exigency arise, which the unaided power 
of the State could not meet ; especially as I have from 
the first felt persuaded, that your Excellency, as well as 
others associated with yourself in the administration of 
the governnient, would exhibit a temper of conciliation 
as well as of energy and decision. To the insurgents 
themselves it ought to be obvious, when the excitement 
of the moment shall have passed away, that changes 
achieved by regular, and, if necessary, repeated appeals 
to the constituted authorities, in a country so much un- 
der the induence of public opinion, and by recourse to 
argument and remonstrance, are more likely to ensure 
lasting blessings than those accomplished by violence 
and bloodshed on one day, and liable to overthrow by 
similar agents on another. 

I freely confess that I should experience great reluc- 
tance in employing the military power of this Govern-? 



APPENDIX. 129 

nient against any portion of the people ; but, however 
painful the duty, I have to assure youi Excellency, that 
if resistance is made to the execution of the laws of 
Rhode Island, by such force as the civil posse shall be 
unable to overcome, it will be the duty of this Govern- 
ment to enforce the constitutional guarantee — a guaran- 
tee given and adopted mutually by all the original States, 
of which Rhode Island was one, and which, in the same 
way, has been given and adopted by each of the States 
since admitted into the Union. And if an exigency of 
lawless violence shall actually arise, the Executive Gov- 
ernment of the United States, on the application of your 
Excellency, under the authority of the resolutions ot the 
Legislature already transmitted, will stand ready to suc- 
cor the authorities of the State in their efforts to main- 
tain a due respect for the laws. I sincerely hope, how- 
ever, that no such exigency may occur, and that every 
citizen of Rhode Island will manifest his love of peace 
and good order, by submitting to the laws, and seeking a 
redress of grievances by other means than intestine com- 
motions. 

I tender to your Excellency assurances of my distin- 
guished consideration. JOHN TYLER. 



The following are the portions of the People's Consti- 
tution, so called, which embrace the material subjects of 
dispute between the contending parties. 

We, the PEOPLE of the State of Pv-iiode Island 
AND ProvidexNce PLANTATIONS, grateful to Almighty 
God for his blessing vouchsafed to tiie " lively experi- 
ment " of Religious and Political Freedom here " held 
forth" by our venerated ancestors, and earnestly implor- 
ing the favor of his gracious Providence toward this our 
attempt to secure, upon a permanent foundation, the ad- 
vantages of well ordered and rational Liberty, and to 
enlarge and transmit to our successors the inheritance 
that we have received, do ordain and establish the fol- 
lowing CONSTITUTION of Government for this State. 



130 APPENDIX. 

ARTICLE I. 

DECLARATION OF riilNClPLES AND RIGHTS. 

1. In the spirit and in the words of Roger Williams, 
the illustrious Founder of this State, and of his vener- 
ated associates, We declare, *' that this government 
shall be a Democracy,'* or government of the people, 
" by the major consent" of the same, "only in civil 
THINGS." The will of the peojde shall be expressed by 
Representatives freely chosen, and returning at fixed pe- 
riods to their constituents. This State shall be, and for- 
ever remain, as in the design of its Founder, sacred to 
"Soul Liberty," to the rights of conscience, to free- 
dom of thought, of expression and of action, as herein- 
after set fortii and secured. 

2. All men are created iree and equal, and are en- 
dowed by their Creator with certain natural, inherent and 
inalienable Rights; among which are life, liberty, the 
acquisition of property, and the pursuit of happiness. 
Government cannot create or bestow these rights, which 
are the gift of God; but it is instituted for the stronger 
and surer defence of the same; that men may safely en- 
joy the rights of life and liberty, securely possess and 
transmit properly, and, so far as laws avail, may be suc- 
cessful in the pursuit of happiness. 

3. All political power and sovereignty are originally 
vested in, and of right belong to the People. All free 
governments are founded in their "authority, and are es- 
tablished for the greatest good of the whole number. 
The People have therefore an inalienable and indefeasi- 
ble right, in their original, sovereign and unlimited 
capacity, to ordain and institute government, and, in the 
same capacity, to alter, reform, or totally change the 
same, whenever their safety or happiness requires. 

4. No favor or disfavor ought to be shown in legisla- 
tion toward any man, or party, or society, or religious 
denomination. The laws should be made not for the 
good of the kw, but of the many; and the burdens of 
the State ought to be fairly distributed among its citi- 
zens. 

5. The diffusion of useful knowledge, and the culti- 



APPENDIX. 131 

vation of a sound morality, in the fear of God, being of 
the first importance in a Republican State, and indis- 
pensible to the maintenance of its liberty, it shall be an 
imperative duty of the Legislature to promote the estab- 
lishment o{ Free Schools, and to assist in the support of 
Public Education. 

6. Every person in this State ought to find i\ certain 
remedy, by having recourse to the laws, for all injuries 
or wrongs which .nay be done to his rights of person, 
property or character. He ought to obtain right and 
justice freely and without purchase, completely and with- 
out denial, promptly and without delay, conformably to 
the laws. 

7. The right of the people to be secure in their per- 
sons, houses, papers and possessions, against unreasona- 
ble searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no 
warrant shall issue but on complaint in writing upon 
probable cause, supported by oath or afiirmation, and 
describing, as nearly as may be, the place to be searched, 
and tiie person or things to be seized. 

8. No person shall be held to answer to a capital or 
other infamous charge, unless on indictment by a Grand 
Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, 
or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war 
or public danger. — No person shall be tried, after an 
acquittal, for the same crime or offence. 

9. Every man being presumed to be innocent, until 
pronounced guilty by the law, all acts of severity, that 
are not necessary to secure an accused person, ought to 
be repressed. 

10. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive 
fines imposed, nor cruel or unusual punishments inflicted ; 
and all punishments ouglit to be proportioned to the of- 
ience. 

11. All prisoners shall be bailable upon sufficient 
surety, unless for capital offences, when the proof is evi- 
dent, or the presumption great. The privilege of the 
writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless 
when, in cases of rebellion, or invasion, tlie public safety- 
shall require it. 

12. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall 



132 APPENDIX. 

have Ihe privilege of a speedy and public trial, by an im- 
partial jury; be informed of the nature and cause of the 
accusation; be confronted with the witnesses against 
him ; have compulsory process to obtain them in his fa- 
vor, and at the public expense, when necessary ; have the 
assistance of counsel in his defence, and be at liberty to 
speak for himself. Nor shall he be deprived of his life, 
liberty or property, unless by the judgment of his peers, 
or the law of the land. 

13. The riglit of trial, by jury, shall remain inviolate; 
and in all criminal cases the jury shall judge both of the 
law and of the facts. 

14. Any person in this State, who may be claimed, to 
be held to labor or service, under the laws of any otlier 
State, territory, or district, shall be entitled to a jury 
trial, to ascertain the validity of such claim. 

15. No man m a Court of common law shall be re- 
quired to criminate himself 

16. Retrospective laws, civil and criminal, are unjust 
and oppressive, and shall not be made. 

17. The People have a right to assemble in a peace- 
able manner, without molestation or restraint, to consult 
upon the public welfare; a right to give instructions to 
their Senatsrs and Representatives ; and a right to apply 
to those invested with the powers of Government for re- 
dress of grievances, for the repeal of injurious laws, for 
the correction of faults of administration, and for all 
other purposes. 

18. The liberty of the Press being essential to the se- 
curity of freedom in a State, any citizen may publish his 
sentiments on any subject, being responsible for the abuse 
of that liberty; and in all trials for libel, both civil and 
criminal, the truth, spoken from good motives and for 
justifiable ends, shall be a sufficient defence to the per- 
son charged. 

19. Private property shall not be taken for public uses 
without just compensation ; nor unless the public good 
require it; nor under any circumstances until compensa- 
tion shall have been made, if required, 

20. The military shall always be held in strict subor- 
dination to the civil authority. 



APPENDIX. 133 

21. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in 
any house, without the consent of the owner ; nor in 
time of war but in manner to be prescribed by law. 

22. Whereas Almighty God hath created the mind 
free, and all attempts to influence it by temporal punish- 
ments, or burdens, or by civil incapacitations, tend to be- 
get habits of hypocrisy and meanness ; and wliereas a 
principal object of our venerated ancestors in their mi- 
gration to this) country, and their settlement of this State, 
was, as they expressed it, to hold forth a lively experi- 
ment, that a flourishing civil State may stand, and be 
best maintained, with full liberty in religious concern- 
ments. We therefore declare, that no man shall be 
compelled to frequent, or support any religious worship, 
place or ministry whatsoever, nor be enforced, restrained, 
molested, or burdened in his body and goods, nor dis- 
qualified from holding any office, nor otherwise suffer on 
account ot his religious belief; and that all men shall be 
free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opin- 
ions in matters of religion ; and that the same shall in no 
wise diminish, enlarge or affect their civil capacities; 
and that all other religious rights and privileges of the 
people of this State, as now enjoyed, shall remain invio- 
late and inviolable. 

23. No witness shall be called in question before the 
Legislature, nor in any Court of this State, nor before 
any magistrate, or other person, authorized to administer 
an oath, or affirmation, for his or her religious belief, or 
opinions, or any part thereof; and no objection to a wit- 
.ness, on the ground of his or her religious opinions, shall 

be entertained or received. 

24. The citizent3 shall continue to enjoy and freely ex- 
ercise all the rights of fishery, and privileges of the shore, 
to which they have been heretofore entitled under the 
charter and usages of this State. 

25. The enumeration of the foregoing rights shall not 
be construed to impair or deny others retained by the 
people. 

ARTICLE IL 

OF ELECTORS AND THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE. 

I. Every white male citizen of the United States, of 
12 



134 APPENDIX. 

the age of twenty-one years, who has resided in this 
State for one year, and in any town, city, or district of 
the same for six months, next preceding the election at 
which he offers to vote, shall be an elector of all officers, 
who are elected, or may hereafter be made eligible by 
the People. But persons in the military, naval, or marine 
service of the United States shall not be considered as 
having such establisiied residence, by being stationed in 
any garrison, barrack, or military place, in any town or 
city in this State. 

2. Paupers and persons under guardianship, insane, or 
lunatic, are excluded from the electoral right; and the 
same shall be forfeited on conviction of bribery, forgery, 
perjury, theft, or other iniamous crime, and shall not be 
restored unless by an act of the General Assembly. 

3. No person, who is excluded from voting, for want 
of the qualification first named in section first of this 
article, shall be taxed, or be liable to do. military duty, 
provided that nothing in said first article shall be so con- 
strued as to exempt from taxation any property or persons 
now liable to be taxed. 

4. No elector who is not possessed of, and assessed for 
ratable property, in his own right, to the amount of one 
hundred and fifty dollars, or who shall have neglected, or 
refused to pay any tax assessed upon him, in any town, 
city, or district, for one year preceding the town, city, 
ward, or district meeting, at which he shall ofifer to vote, 
shall be entitled to vote on any question of taxation, or 
the expenditure of any public moneys in such "town, city> 
or district, until the same be paid. 

5. In the city of Providence, and other cities, no per- 
son shall be eligible to the office of mayor, alderman, or 
common council man, who is not taxed, or who shall 
have neglected or refused to pay his tax, as provided in 
the preceding section. 

G. The voting for all officers chosen by the People, 
except town or city officers, shall be by ballot ; that is to 
say, by depositing a written or printed ticket in the bal- 
lot box, without the name of the voter written thereon. 
Town or city officers shall be chosen by ballot, on th.e 
demand of any two persons entitled to vote for the same. 



APPENDIX. 135 

7. There shall be a strict registration of all qualified 
voters in the towns and cities of the State; and no per- 
son shall be permitted to vote, whose name has not 
been entered upon the list of voters before the polls are 
opened. 

8. The General Assembly shall pass all necessary laws 
for the prevention of fraudulent voting by persons not 
having an actual, permanent residence^ or home, in the 
State, or otherwise disqualified according to this Consti- 
tution ; for the careful registration of all voters, previ- 
ously to the time of voting; for the prevention of frauds 
upon the ballot box; for the preservation of the purity of 
elections; and for the safe keeping and accurate count- 
ing of the votes, to the end that^ the will of the People 
may be freely and fully expressed, truly ascertained, and 
effectually exerted, without intimidation, suppression, or 
unnecessary delay. 

9. The electors shall be exempted from arrest on days 
of election, and one day before, and one day after the 
same, except in cases of treason, felony, or breach of the 
peace. 

10. No person shall be eligible to any office by the 
votes of the People, who does not possess the qualifica- 
tions of an elector. 

. ARTICLE V. 

OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

1. The House of Representatives shall consist of mem- 
bers chosen by the electors in the several towns and cit- 
les, in their respective town and ward meetinas annu- 
ally. 

2. The Towns and Cities shall severally be entitled to 
elect members, according to the apportionment which 
follows, viz: — Newport to elect five; Warwick, tour; 
Smithfield, five; Cumberland, North Providence and 
Scituate, three ; Portsmouth, Westerly, New Shoreham, 
North Kingstown, South Kingstown, East Greenwich, 
Glocester, West Greenwich, Coventry, Exeter, Bristol, 
Tiverton, Little Compton, Warren, Richmond, Cranston, 
Charlestown, Hopkinton, Johnston, Foster and Burrill- 



136 APPENDIX. 

ville, to elect two ; and Jamestown, Middletown and 
Barrington, to elect one. 

3. In the city of Providence there shall be six Repre- 
sentative Districts, which shall be the six wards of said 
city. And the electors resident in said districts, for the 
term of three months, next preceding the election, at 
which they offer to vote, shall be entitled to elect two 
Representatives for each district. 

4. The General Assembly, in case of great inequality 
in the population of the wards of the city of Providence, 
may cause the boundaries of the six Representative dis- 
tricts therein to be so altered as to include in each dis- 
trict, as nearly as may be, an equal number of inhabi- 
tants. 

5. The House of Representatives shall have authority 
to elect their own Speaker, clerks and other officers. 
The oath of office shall be administered to the Speaker 
by the Secretary of State, or, in his absence, by the At- 
torney General. 

6. Whenever the seat of a member of the House of 
Representatives shall be vacated by death, resignation, or 
otherwise, the vacancy may be filled by a new election. 

ARTICLE VI. 

OF THE SENATE. 

1. The State shall be divided into twelve Senatorial 
Districts ; and each district shall be entitled to one Sen- 
ator, who shall be annually chosen by the electors in his 
district. 

2. The first, second and third Representative Districts 
in the City of Providence shall constitute the first Sena- 
torial District; the fourth, fifth and sixth Representative 
Districts in said City, the second District ; the Town of 
Sinithfield, the third District ; the Towns of North Prov- 
idence and Cumberland, tiie fourth District; the Towns 
of Scituate, Glocester, Burrillville and Johnston, the 
fifth District ; the Towns of Warwick and Cranston, the 
sixth District; the Towns of East Greenwich, West 
Greenwich, Coventry and Foster, the seventh District; 
the Towns of Newport, Jamestown and New Shoreham, 
the eiglith District; the Towns of Portsmouth, Middle- 



APPENDIX. 137 

town, Tiverton and Little Compton, the ninth District; 
the Towns of Norili Kingstown and South Kingstown, 
the tenth District ; the Towns of Westerly, Charlestown, 
Exeter, Richmond and Hopkinton, the eleventh Dis- 
trict; the Towns of Bristol, Warren and Barrington, the 
twelfth Di.^trict. 

3. The Lieutenant Governor shall be, by virtue of his 
office, President of the Senate; and shall have a right, 
in case of an equal division, to vote in the same; and 
also to vote in joint committee of the two Hou^es, 

4. When the Government shall be administered by the 
Lieutenant Governor, or he shall be unable to attend as 
President of the Senate, the Senate shall elect one of 
their own inembers President of the same. 

5. Vacancies in the Senate, occasioned by death, 
resignation, or otherwise, may be filled by a new elec- 
tion. 

6. The Secretary of the State shall be, by virtue of 
his office, Secretary of the Senate. 

ARTICLE XIL 

AMENDJMENTS. 

The General Assembly may propose amendments to 
this Constitution by the vote of a majority ot all the 
members elected to each House. Such propositions 
shall be published in the newspapers of the State; and 
printed copies of said propositions shall he sent by the 
Secretary of State, with the names of all the members 
who shall have voted thereon, with the yeas and nays, to 
all the town and city clerks in the State ; and the said 
proposition shall be by said clerks inserted in the notices, 
by them issued, for warning the next annual town and 
ward meetings in April, and the town and ward clerks 
shall read said propositions to the electors when thus as- 
sembled, with the names of all the Representatives and 
Senators who shall have voted thereon, with the yeas and 
nays, before the election of Representatives and Senators 
shall be had. If a majority of all the members elected 
at said annual meetings, present in each House, shall ap- 
prove any proposition thus made, the same shall be pub- 
lished, as before provided, and then sent to the electors 
12* 



138 APPENDIX. 

in the mode provided in the act of approval ; and, if then 
approved by a majority of the electors who shall vote in 
town and ward meetings, to be specially Convened for 
that purpose, it shall become a part of the Constitution 
of the State. 



The following extracts embrace the principal points in 
dispute in the Landholders' Constitution, between the 
two parties. 

We, the People of the State of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations, do ordain and establish this 
Constitution for the government thereof. 

ARTICLE FIRST. 

DECLARATION OF CERTAIN CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND 
PRINCIPLES. 

In order effectually to secure the religious and politi- 
cal freedom established here by our venerated ancestors, 
and to preserve the same for their posterity, we do declare 
that the inherent, essential, and unquestionable rights 
and principles hereinafter mentioned, among others, 
shall be established, maintained and preserved, and shall 
be of paramount obligation in all legislative, judicial and 
executive proceedings. 

Section 1. Every person, within this State, ought to 
find a certain remedy, by having recourse to the laws, 
for all injuries or wrongs which he may receive in his 
person, property or character. He ought to obtain right 
and justice freely, and without being obliged to purchase 
it, completely and Vvitliout denial, promptly and without 
delay ; conformably to the laws. 

Sec. 2. The right of the people to be secure in their 
persons, papers and possessions, against unreasonable 
searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no 
warrant shall issue, but on complaint in writing, upon 
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and 
describing as nearly as may be, the place to be searched 
and the persons or things to be seized. 



APPENDIX. 139 

Set. 3. No person shall be holden to answer for a 
capital or other infamous crime, unless on presentment 
or indictment by a grand jury, except in cases of im- 
peachment, or such offences as are usually cognizable 
by a justice of the peace ; or in cases arising in the 
land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual 
service in ti.ne of war or public danger. No person 
shall be tried, after an acquittal, for the same offence. 

Sec. 4. Excesrive bail shall not be required, nor ex- 
cessive fines imposed, nor cruel punishments inflicted ; 
and all punishments ought to be proportioned to the 
ofl[ence. 

Sec. 5. All persons imprisoned ought to be bailable by 
sufficient sureties, unless, for capital offences, when the 
proof is evident, or the presumption great. The privilege 
of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, un- 
less when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public 
safety shall require it ; nor then without the authority 
of the General Assembly. 

Sec. G. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall 
enjoy the privilege of a speedy and public trial, by an 
impartial jury ; to be informed of the nature and cause 
of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses 
against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining 
them in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel 
in his defence, and be at liberty to speak for himself; 
nor shall he be deprived of life, liberty or property, un- 
less by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land. 

Sec. 7. The person of a debtor, where there is not 
strong presumption of fraud, ought not to be continued 
in prison, after he shall have delivered up his property 
for the benefit of his creditors, in such manner as shall 
be prescribed by law. 

Sec. 8. No ex post facto law, or law impairing the 
obligation of contracts, shall be made. 

Sec. 9. No man in a court of common law shall be 
compelled to give evidence criminating himself. 

Sec. 10. Every man being presumed innocent, until 
pronounced guilty by the law, all acts of severity, that 
are not necessary to secure an accused, person, shall be 
repressed. 



140 APPENDIX. 

Sec. n. The right of trial by jiiry shall remain in- 
violate. 

Sec. 12. Private property shall not be taken for pub- 
lic uses, without just compensation. 

Sec. 13. The citizens shall continue to enjoy and 
freely exercise the rights of fishery, and all other rights 
to which they have been heretofore entitled under the 
charter of this State, except as is herein otherwise pro- 
vided. 

Sec. 14. The military shall always be held in strict 
subordination to the civil authority. 

Sec. 15. No soldier, shall in time of peace, Le quar- 
tered in any house, without the consent of the owner ; 
nor, in time of war, but in manner prescribed by law. 

Sec. 16. The liberty of the press being essential to 
the security of freedom in a State, any person may pub- 
lish his sentiments on any subject, being responsible for 
the abuse of that liberty ; and in all trials for libel, both 
civil and criminal, the truth, unless published from ma- 
licious motives, shall be a sufficient defence to the person 
charged. 

Sec. 17. The citizens have a right in a peaceable 
manner to assemble for their com?iion good, and to ap- 
ply to those invested with the powers of Government, for 
redress of grievances, or other purposes, by petition, ad- 
dress or remonstrance. 

Sec. 18. The right of the people to keep and bear 
arms, shall not be infringed. 

Sec. 19. Slavery shall not be tolerated in this State. 

Sec. 20. Whereas Almighty God hath created the 
mind free : and all attempts to influence it, by temporal 
punishments or burthens, or by civil incapacitations, 
lend to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness; and 
whereas a principal object of our venerable ancestors, 
in their migrations to ihis country, and their seltlement 
of this State, was, as they expressed it, to hold forth a 
lively experiment, that a flourishing civil state, may 
stand, and be best maintained, with full liberty in relig- 
ious concernments ; We therefore declare that no man 
shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious 
worship, place or ministry whatever ; nor enforced, re^ 



APPENDIX. 141 

Strained, molested or burthened in his body or goods ; 
nor disqualified from holding any office ; nor otherwise 
suffer, on account of his religious belief. And that all 
men shall be free to profess, and by argument to main- 
tain their opinion in matters of religion ; and that the 
same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge or affect their 
civil capacities. 

Sec. 21. The enumeration of the foregoing rights 
shall not be construed to impair or deny others retained 
by the people. 

ARTICLE SECOND. 

OF THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE. 

Section 1. Every person who is now a freeman and 
qualified voter shall continue to be so, so long as he re- 
tains the qualifications upon which he was admitted. 

Sec. 2. Hereafter, every white male native citizen of 
the United States, or any territory thereof, of the full 
age of twenty-one years, who shall have had his actual 
permanent residence and home in this State, for the 
period of one year, and in the town or city in which he 
may claim a right to vote, six months next preceding 
the time of voting, and shall be seized in his own right, 
of a freehold real estate in such town or city, of the 
value, at least, of one hundred and thirty-four dollars, 
over and above all incumbrances, shall therefrom have 
a right to vote in the election of all civil officers, and 
on all questions in all legal town or ward meetings. 

Sec. 3. Every white male native citizen of the United 
States or any territory thereof, of the full age of twenty- 
one years, who shall have had his actual permanent resi- 
dence and home in this State for the period of two years, 
and in the town or city, in which he may claim a right 
to vote, six months, next preceding the time of voting, 
shall have a right to vote in the election of all civil offi- 
cers, and on all questions, in all Legal town or ward 
meetings : Provided however, that no person who is not 
now a freeman, shall be allowed to vote upon any motion 
to impose a tax, or incur expenditures, in any town or 
city, unless he possess the freehold qualification required 
by this article ; or shall have been taxed on property 



142 APPENDIX. 

valued, at least, at one hundred and fifty dollars, within 
one year from the time he may offer to vote, and shall 
have paid such tax in said town or city. 

Sec. 4. Any white male native of any foreign country 
of the full age of twenty-one years, naturalized in the 
United States according to law, who shall have had his 
actual permanent residence and home in this state for 
the period of three years after his naturalization, and in 
the town or city in which he may claim a right to vote 
six months next preceding the time of voting, and shall 
be seized in his own right, of a freehold real estate, in 
such town or city, of the value, at least, of one hundred 
and thirty-four dollars, over and above all incumbrances, 
shall, therefrom, have a ri(Tht to vote in the election of 
all civil officers, and in all questions in all town or ward 
meetings. But no person in the military, naval, marine, 
or any other service of the United States, shall be con- 
sidered as having the required residences by reason of 
being employed in any garrison, barrack, or military or 
naval station in this State. And no pauper, lunatic, or 
person non compos meiitis, or under guardianship, shall 
be permitted to vote ; nor shall any person convicted of 
any crime, deemed infamous at common law, be permit- 
ted to exercise that privilege, until he be restored thereto 
by the General Assembly. Persons residing on land 
ceded by this State to the United States shall not be en- 
titled to exercise the privilege of electors during such 
residence. 

Sec. 5. The General Assembly shall, as soon as may 
be after the adoption of this Constitution, provide for 
the registration of voters ; and shall also have full power 
generally to enact all laws necessary to carry this article 
into effect, and to prevent abu&e and fraud in voting. 

Sec. 6. All persons entitled to vote shall be protected 
from arrest in civil cases, on the days of election, and 
on the day preceding, and the day following an election. 

Sec. 7. In the city of Providence and all other cities 
no person shall be eligible to the office of mayor, alder- 
man, or common councilman, who is not qualified to 
vote upon a motion to impose a tax or incur expendi- 
tures as herein provided. 



APPENDIX. 143 

Sec. 8. The General Assembly shall have power to 
provide, by special or general laws, for the admission of 
any native male citizen of the United States, or any 
territory, who shall have had his permanent residence 
and home in this State for two yeais, but who is not 
otherwise qualified under this article, to vote on such 
conditions as they may deem proper, except for taxes 
and expenditures. 

ARTICLE FIFTH. 

OF THE HOUSE OF REPKESENTATirES. 

Section 1. The House of Representatives shall con- 
sist of members elected by the Electors of the several 
towns and cities in the respective town and ward meet- 
- ings. Each town or city having four thousand inhabi- 
tants, and under six thousand five hundred, shall be en- 
titled to elect three Representatives ; each town or city 
having six thousand five hundred inhabitants, and under 
ten thousand^ shall be entitled to elect four Representa- 
tives ; each town or city having ten thousand inhabitants, 
and under fourteen thousand, shal] be entitled to elect 
five Representatives ; each town or city having fourteen 
thousand inhabitants, and under eighteen thousand, shall 
be entitled to elect six Representatives ; each town or 
city having eighteen thousand inhabitants, and under 
twenty-one thonsand, shall be entitled to elect seven 
Representatives; each town or city having over twenty 
one thousand inhabitants, shall be entitled to elect eight 
Representatives. But no town or city shall be entitled 
to elect more than eight Representatives; and every 
town or city shall be entitled to elect two. The Repre- 
sentation of the several towns and cities in this State 
shall be apportioned agreeable to the last census of the 
people of the United States, preceding the election. 

Sec. 2. The House of Representatives shaU have au- 
thority to elect its Speaker, Clerks, and other officers. 
The oath of office shall be administered by the Secreta- 
ry of State, or in his absence, by the Attorney General. 
The Clerks shall be engaged by the Speaker. 

Sec. 3. Whenever the seat of a member of the House 



144 APPENDIX. 

of Representatives shall be vacated by death, resignation, 
or otherwise, the vacancy may be filled by a new elec- 
tion. 

Sec. 4. The senior member from the town of New- 
port, present, shall preside in the organization of the 
House. 

ARTICLE SIXTH. 

OF THE SENATE. 

Section. I. The Senate shall consist of nineteen mem- 
bers, to be chosen annually by the majority of electors, 
by districts. The State shall be divided into sixteen 
districts, as follows : 

First. The town of Newport shall constitute the first 
Senatorial district, and shall be entitled to elect two 
Senators. 

Second. The towns of Portsmouth, Middletown, 
Tiverton, Little Compton, New Shoreham, and James- 
town shall constitute the second Senatorial district, and 
shall be entitled to elect two Senators. 

Third. The City of Providence, shall constitute the 
third Senatorial district, and shall be entitled to elect 
two Senators. 

Fourth. The town of Smithfield shall constitute the 
fourth Senatorial district, and shall be entitled to elect 
one Senator. 

Fifth. The towns of Cumberland and North Provi- 
dence, shall constitute the fifth Senatorial district, and 
shall be entitled to elect one Senator. 

Sixtn. The towns of Scituate, Cranston, and Johns- 
ton, shall constitute the sixth Senatorial district, and 
shall be entitled to elect one Senator. 

Seventh. The towns of Glocester, Foster and Bur- 
rillville, shall constitute the seventh Senatorial district 
and shall be entitled to elect one Senator. 

Eighth. The town of South Kingstown, shall consti- 
tute the eighth Senatorial district and shall be entitled 
to elect one Senator. 

Ninth. The towns of Westerly and Charlestown 
shall constitute the ninth Senatorial district, and shall 



APPENDIX, 145 

be entitled to elect one Senator. Tenth. The towns 
ot Hopkinton and Richmond, shall constitute the tenth 
Senatorial district, and shall beentitled to elect one Sen- 
ator. 

Eleventh. The towns of North Kingstown and Exeter 
shall constitute tbe eleventh Senatorial district, and shall 
be entitled to elect one Senator. 

Twelfth. The town of Bristol shall constitute the 
twelfth Senatorial district, and shall be entitled to elect 
one Senator. 

Thirteenth. The towns of Warren and Barrington 
shall constitute the thirteenth Senatorial district, and 
shall be entitled to elect one Senator. 

Fourteenth. The towns of East Greenwich and West 
Greenwich shall constitute the fourteenth Senatorial dis- 
trict, and shall be entitled to elect one Senator. 

Fifteenth. The town of Coventry shall constitute the 
fifteenth Senatorial district, and shall be entitled to elect 
one Senator. 

Sixteenth. The town of Warwick shall constitute the 
sixteenth Senatorial district, and shall be entitled to elect 
one Senator. 

And no more than one Senator shall be elected from 
any town for the same term, in the second senatorial 
district. 

Sec. 2. The Lieutenant Governor shall ex-officio be a 
member of the Senate. 

The Secretary ot State shall be by virtue of his office 
Secretary of the Senate, unless otherwise provided by 
law, and the Senate may elect such other officers as they 
may deem necessary. 

Sec. 3. If, by reason of death, resignation, or absence 
there be no Governor or Lieutenant Governor present, to 
preside in the Senate, the Senate shall elect one of their 
own number to preside, until the Governor or Lieutenant 
Governor returns, or until one of said offices is filled 
according to this Constitution, and until such election is 
made by the Senate, the Secretary of State shall preside. 

13 



146 APPENDIX. 

ARTICLE THIRTEENTH. 

OF AMENDMENTS. 

The General Assembly may propose amendments to 
this Constitution by the votes of a majority of all the 
members elected to each House. Such propositions 
shall be published in the newspapers, and printed copies 
of said propositions shall be sent by the Secretary of 
State, with the names of all the members who shall have 
voted thereon, with the yeas and nays, to all the town 
and city clerks in the State ; and the said propositions 
shall be, by said Clerks, inserted in the warrants or 
notices by them issued, for warning the next annual 
town and ward meetings in April ; and the Clerks shall 
rend said propositions to the Electors when thus assem- 
bled, with the names of all the Representatives and Sen- 
ators who shall have voted thereon, with the yeas and 
nays, before the election of Representatives and Senators 
shall be had. If a majority of all the members elected 
to each House, at said annual meeting, shall approve any 
proposition thus made, the same shall be published and 
sent to the electors in the mode provided in the act of 
approval; and if then approved by three fifths oi the 
electors of the State present, and voting thereon in town 
and ward meetings, it shall become a part of the Consti- 
tution of the State. 



The following resolutions were adopted at a meeting 
of the Ultra Suffrage party, held on the Court Plouse 
Parade, Providence, on Thursday afternoon. May 12th, 
1842. 

Resolved, That we will submit to no compromise that 
has not for its basis an acknowledginent that the ultimate 
source of all political and sovereign pou'er [rests*] in the 
whole male citizens of the State; and that no action of 
the legislative authority is, or of right can be, necessary 

* In the published copies, '■'■docs not rest.'' 



APPENDIX. 147 

to say when or how that ultimate sovereign power may 
be exercised. 

Rcsolecd, That we will maintain these principles, as 
those purchased with the blood and counsels of our fath- 
ers of '76, to the last. 

Resolved, That we believe the intent for which the 
Algerine Law was enacted, was to provoke an outbreak ; 
and that all action of the Tyrants under it, has been to 
seek to spill the blood of the people. That we regard 
said law as a tyrannical act of an expiring despotism, 
designed to guard and sacrifice the people, and in fine, 
that it is an avowed, an open declaration of war.* 

Resolved, That should another attempt be made to 
arrest an individual under that law, we hereby pledge 
ourselves, in the most solemn manner, to shield such 
person from arrest; and if arrested, or kidnapped, to 
rescue him from the demon who may pretend to hold 
him in custody, and to immediately visit such retributive 
justicet to the offenders, as the enormity of their crimes 
may demand. 

Resolved, That we will support, protect, and defend 
Gov. Thomas W. Dorr, to the last — that we will neither 
surrender him to the malice of his opponents, nor will 
we ever forget the firmness and wisdom, as well as the 
moderation, which has marked his bearing to us and his 
opponents, during all this excited war for liberty. 



Copy of the Petition of Elisha Dillingham and about 
six hundred others, presented to the General Assem- 
bly, at the January session, 1841. 

To the Hon. the General Assembly of the State of Rhode 
Island. 
The undersigned, inhabitants and citizens of the State 

*It will be recollected that the Suffrage party had already re- 
jected a Constitution providing for a more extended suffrage than 
they had ever demanded. 

t By the iiitelligent mind, it may readily be conjectured what 
IMMEDIATE '■^ retributive justicc " was intended. 



148 APPENDIX. 

of Rhode Island, would respectfully represent to your 
Honorable Body, that they conceive that the dignity of 
the State would be advanced, and the liberties of the 
citizen better secured, by the abrogation of the Charter 
granted unto this State by King Charles the Second of 
England, and by the establishment of a Constitution 
which should more effectually define the authority of the 
Executive and Legislative branches, and more strongly 
recognize the rights of the citizens. Your petitioners 
would not take the liberty of suggesting to your Honor- 
able Body, any course which should be pursued, but 
would leave the whole affair in your hands, trusting to 
the good sense and discretion of the General Assembly. 

Your petitioners would farther represent to the Gen- 
eral Assembly, that they conceive that an extension of 
suffrage, to a greater portion of the white male residents 
of the State, would be more in accordance with the 
spirit of our institutions, than the present system of the 
State ; and for such an extension they ask. 

Your petitioners would not suggest any system of 
suffrage, but would leave the matter to the wisdom of the 
General Assembly. 

Upon both the prayers of your petitioners, they would 
ask the immediate and efficient action of the General 
Assembly, and as in duty bound will ever pray. 
Signed by ELISHA DILLINGHAM, and about 580 

others. 

The following is a copy of the doings of the General 
Assembly, at the above session, relative to a Convention. 

At tiie January session of the General Assembly, 1841, 
a memorial from the town of Smithfield, was referred to 
a select committee of the House of Representatives, of 
which the Hon. Asher Robbins was chairman, who, in 
behalf of said committee, reported as follows: 

" The select committee to whom was referred the me- 
morial of the town of Smithfield, praying this General 
Assembly to take the subject of the extreme inequality 
of the present representation from the several towns un- 
der consideration, and in such manner as seems most 



APPENDIX. 



149 



practicable and just to correct the evil complained of," 
have had the same under consideration, and the commit- 
tee believing that the regular and rightful way of obtain- 
ing the object prayed for, is by a convention of the free- 
men of the State, acting in their sovereign capacity on 
the subject, report the following resolution for adoption : 

Resolved, by the General Assembly, (the Senate con- 
curring with the House of Representatives therein,) that 
it be recommended to the freemen of the State at the 
several town meetings in April, to instruct their Repre- 
sentatives as to their wishes for a State Convention to 
frame a new Constitution for this State, in whole or in 
part, with full power tor that purpose." 

After some remarks from several members, on motion 
of Mr. Robbing, on the fifth of February, 1841, this res- 
olution was recommitted to report in the morning, and 
the report was made the order of the day for the mor- 
row. On the next day the memorial of the town of 
Smithfield was taken up, and the resolution as amended 
by the committee, and after considerable debate on the 
question, -.vhether the freemen should be called upon first 
to instruct their Representatives on the subject of call- 
ing a convention, or whether the General Assembly 
should pass a bill as heretofore immediately for calling a 
Convention — the latter course was adopted. Resolutions 
were then passed by this General Assembly, requesting 
the freemen to choose, in August, delegates to attend a 
Convention to be holden at Providence, on the first Mon- 
day of November, A. D. 1841, to frame a new Constitu- 
tion for tiiis State, either in whole or in part, with full 
power for this purpose, and if only for a Constitution in 
part, that said Convention have under their especial con- 
sideration the expediency of equalizing the representa- 
tions of the towns in the House of Representatives. 



The following are the Resolutions, together with what 
its opponents call the '' Algerine Law," passed by the 
13* 



150 APPENDIX. 

General Assembly at the (extra) session, March, 
1842. 

Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be re- 
quested to issue ills proclamation to the good people of 
this St;tte, exliortiiig them to give no aid or countenance 
to those who, in violation of the law, may attempt to set 
up a government, in opposition to the existing govern- 
ment ot" this State, and calling upon them to support the 
constituted authorities for the preservation of the public 
peace, and the execution of those laws on which the se- 
curity of idl depends. 

Resolved, That the report, and the act accompanying 
be published in all the newspapers in this state, that 
copies be printed in pamphlet form, and 
tliat the Secretfiry of State cause the same to be forth- 
with dij^tribuied in the several towns of this state and the 
city of Providence, and that copies of the 

same be sent to the Governors of each state, and a copy 
each to the President, Vice President, members of the 
Cabinet, Senators and members of the House of Repre- 
sentatives ol the United States, 

Resolved, That his Excellency be, and lie is hereby 
authorized to adopt such measures as in his opinion may 
be necessary in the recess ol this legislature, to execute 
the laws and preserve the state from domestic violence, 
and th;it he be, and is hereby authorized to draw on the 
General Treasurer for such sums as may be required for 
these purposes. 

AN ACT in relation to offences against the Sovereign 
power of this State. 
Wherens, in a free government it is especially neces- 
sary that the duiies of the citizen to the constituted au- 
thorities should be plainly defined, so that none may con- 
found our regulated American liberty with unbridled 
license ; and vvheieas, certain artful and ill-disposed per- 
sons, have for some time past, been busy with false pre- 
tences afiionfrst the good people of this state, and have 
formed and are now endeavoring to carry through a plar: 
fer the suhveirsion of our government under assumed 
forms of law, but in plain violation of the first principles 



APPENDIX. 151 

of constitutional right, and many have been deceived 
thereby : and whereas this General Assembly at the same 
time that it is desirous to awaken the honest and well 
meaning to a sense ot their duty, is resolved by all neces- 
sary means to guard the safety and honor of the state, 
and overlooking what is past, to punish such evil doers 
in future, in a manner due to their offences : 

Be it enacted hy the General Assemhly as folloics : 

Section 1. All town, ward or other meetings of the 
freemen, inhabitants or residents of this state, or of any 
portion of the same, for the election ot any town, county 
or state officer or officers, called or held in any town, 
of tills state or in the city of Providence, except in the man- 
ner, for the purposes, at the times, and by the freemen by 
law prescribed, are illegal and void : and that any person 
or persons who shall act as moderator or moderators, war- 
den or wardens, clerk^or clerks, in such pretended town, 
ward or other meetings hereafter to be held, or in any name 
or manner receive, record, or certify votes for the election 
of any pretended town, county or state officers, shall 
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and be punished by 
indictment with a fine not exceeding one thousand nor 
less than five hundred dollars, and be imprisoned for the 
term of six months : Provided however, that this act is 
not intended to apply to cases, in which, by accident or 
mistake, some prescribed form or forms of calling town 
or ward meetings of the freemen of the several towns of 
this State, and of the city of Providence, shall be omit- 
ted or overlooked. 

Sec. 2. Any person or persons who shall in any man- 
ner signify that he or they will accept any excutive, 
legislative, judicial or ministerial office or offices, by vir- 
tue of any such pretended election in any such pretended 
town, ward or other meeting or meetings, or shall know- 
ingly suffer or permit his or their name or names, to be 
used as a candidate or candidates therefor, shall be ad- 
judged guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor, and be 
punished by indictment in a fine of two thousand dollars, 
and be imprisoned for the term of one year. 

Sec. 3. If any person or persons, except such as are 



152 APPENLIX. 

duly elected thereto, according to the laws of this Stale, 
shall under any pretended constitution of government for 
this State, or otherwise, assume to exercise any of the 
Legislative, Execuhve or ministerial functions of the 
offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Senators, mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives, Secretary of 
State, Attorney General, or General Treasurer of this 
State, or within the territorial limits of the same, as the 
same are now actually held and enjoyed, either sepa- 
rately or collectively, or shall assemble for the purpose of 
exercising any of said functions, all and every such ex- 
ercise of, or meeting for the purpose of exercising all, 
any, or either of said functions, shall be deemed and 
taken to be a usurpation of the sovereign power of this 
State, and is hereby declared to be treason against the 
State, and shall be punished by imprisonment during 
life, as is now by law prescribed. 

Sec. 4. All offences under this act shall be triable 
before the supreme Judicial Court only. Any person or 
persons arrested under the same, and also for treason 
against the state, may be imprisoned or held in custody 
for trial in the jail of such county of the state as the 
Judge or Justice issuing the warrant may order or direct; 
and the sheriff or other officer charged with the service of 
such warrant, shall, without regard to his precinct, have 
full power and authority to take such person or persons 
and him or them to commit to any county jail in this 
state, which may be designated by such Judge or Justice; 
and it shall be the duty of all sheriffs, deputy sheriffs, 
town sergeants, constables and jailers to govern them- 
selves accordingly. All indictments under this act, and 
also all indictments for treason against this state, may 
be preferred and found in any county of this state, with- 
out regard to the county in which the offence was com- 
mitted ; and tlie supreme Judicial Court shall have full 
power for good cause, from time to time, to remove for 
trial any indictment which may be found under this act 
or for treason against the state, to such county of the 
state, as they shall deem best for the purpose of ensur- 
ing a fair trial of the same, and shall upon the conviction 
of any such offender or offenders, have full power to or- 



APPENDIX. 153 

der, and from time to alter the place of imprisonment of 
such offender or offenders to such county jail within this 
state or to the state prison as to them shall seem best for 
the safe custody of such offender or offenders, any act, 
law, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. 



The following Companies were formed into a Reg- 
iment, and marched for Chepachet, via Greenville, 
under the command of Col. Wm. W. Brown. 
Bristol Artillery, Lt. Col. Taylor, 184 

Prov. Marine Artillery, Lt. Col. Nightingale, 74 

Prov. 1st, Lt. Infantry, Lt, Barber, 67 

Newport Volunteers, Capt. Vars, 36 

" " Capt. Swan, 40 

Middletown Volunteers, Capt. Greene, 48 

Barrington Volunteers, Capt. Humphrey, 32 

Jamestown Volunteers, Capt, Childs, 15 

496 

The following force was posted at Woonsocket, 
under the command of Col. Josiah Martin. 
Prov. National Cadets, Lt. Bourn, 92 

Prov. Sea Fencibles, Capt. Mauran, 65 

City Guards [detachment] under Capt. Olney, 108 
Johnston Volunteers, Col. Tripp, 70 

Woonsocket Volunteers, Capt. Passmore. 70 

405 

The following force marched to Chepachet, by the 
way of Scituate, under the command of Col. Swan. 
Newport Artillery, Lt. Col. Taylor, 132 



154 APPENDIX 

Warren Artillery, Capt. Pearce, 84 

Warren Infantry, Capt. Fessenden, 120 

336 

This whole force amounted to 1237. 

The Third Brigade, under the command of Gen. 
John B. Stedman, was composed of regiments and 
and portions of regiments, and volunteers, as follows. 

Third Reg. Col. Jon. R. Wells — 1st Comp. in 
Westerly, Capt. J. H. Perego — 2nd Comp. in West- 
erly, Capt. Clarke J. Champlin — 1st Com. in Hop- 
kinton, Lieut. Com. Daniel Langw^orthy — 3rd Comp. 
in Hopkinton, Capt. Ihomas P. Dyer — 2nd Comp. 
in Charlestown, Capt. Daniel W. Wright. 
116 Rank and File. 

Eighth Reg. Lt. Col. Com. Warren D- Lillibridge, 
1st. Comp. in Exeter, Capt. Joseph W. Hill — 2nd 
comp. in Exeter, Ensign Com. Jesse C. Hall — 3rd 
Comp. in Exeter, Capt. Amos R. Barber — 1st. 
Comp. in N. Kingstown, Capt. Benj, T. Watson — 
3rd. Comp. in N. Kingstown, Capt. Olney T. Chad- 
sey. 140 Rank and File. 

Eleventh Reg. Col. Thomas T. Hoxsie — 1st. 
Comp. in S. Kingstown, Capt. Silas U. Perry — 3rd 
Comp. in S. Kingstown, Lieut. Com. Joseph Sher- 
man — 1st. Comp. in Richmond, Lieut. Com. Benj. 
H. Reynolds — 2nd. Comp. in Richmond, Capt. 
Horace Greene — Washington Grenadiers, S. Kings- 
town, Capt. Gideon Grinman. 

69 Rank and File. 



APPENDIX. 155 

The whole number, rank and file, by the above 
return appears to have been 329, who were regularly 
mustered into the service. But, in addition to these, 
were about 250 volunteers, which increased the num- 
ber to somewhere near 600. 

The Volunteer Police Corps in the City of Provi- 
dence, as before noticed, were organized under the 
name of City Guards. They constituted a regiment 
under the command of Col. Wm. W. Brown, for the 
protection and defence of the city, subject to the or- 
ders of the Mayor. A great many of the members 
were exempted from military duty, by law. The 
regiment was made up of companies, as follows : — 
Comp. Ward No. 1. Capt. Stephen T. Olney. 

^' No. 1. Ward No. 2 — Col. A. D. Hodges, 
Lt. Com. Joseph W. Taylor. 

" No. 2. Ward No, 2. Capt. James M. Earle. 

" Ward No. 3 — Capt. James Shaw. 

'' No. 1. Ward No. 4 — Capt. Benj. M. Lind- 
sey. 

••' No. 2. Ward No. 4. — Captain Samuel T. 
Thurber. 

a Ward No. 5 — Capt. James C. Hidden. 

" Ward No. 6 — Capt. Smith Bosworth. 
The whole number enrolled in the regiment, was 
about one thousand men. Many of this number 
however were persons far passed the period of active 
military service, and were expected only to appear in 
the field in case of a sudden or pressing immergency. 
But there mustered for duty in the city, five hundred 
members, who were on guard, or other duty, some- 



156 APPENDIX. 

times to the number of three hundred, or more at a 
time, day and niglit. At the same time there were 
one hundred and eight of the members, volunteers, at 
Woonsocket, in two companies, under the command 
of Capt, Stephen T. Olney, and Hiram Hill, fifty at 
Pawtucket under the command of Lieut. Edward R. 
Young and a company of about seventy at Johnston 
under the command of Capt. James M. Earle. The 
regiment therefore mustered an effective force of a few 
more than seven hundred men. 

The Kentish Guards, stationed at Pawtucket, un- 
der the command of Col. Allen mustered 50 men. 

The United Train of Artillery, Col. Bradford 
Hodges, at Pawtucket, mustered about 30. 

The Carbineers under Capt. Olney, also at Paw- 
tucket, mustered 56. 

Tiverton Volunteer Guards, Capt. Durfee — 45. 

Pawucket and Central Falls Volunteers, Capt. Pot- 
ter — 50. 

Making in all, 281, 

By the foregoing account, it will be seen that there 
was an effective force in the field, of about twenty 
eight hundred men, exclusive of oflScers ; besides 
which, were the Pawtuxet Artillery, seventy strong 
posted in Pawtuxet on guard duty, to enforce martial 
law, and probably some small volunteer corps not en- 
umerated. The force therefore would not vary much 
from three thousand. 



APPENDIX. 157 

Previous to the closing session of the Landholders' 
Convention, March, 1842, and as a measure of concili- 
ation, the Generai Assembly, after having rejected a bill 
for the direct extension of suffrage, passed the following 
act: 

**A11 persons now qualified to vote, and those who 
may be qualified to vote under existing laws previous to 
the time of such their voting, and all persons who shall 
be qualified to vote under the provisions of such [named 
in the preamble] constitution, shall be qualified to vote 
upon the question of the adoption of said Constitution." 
By reference to that constitution, it will be seen that its 
provisions amounted very nearly to universal suffrage. 

At the same session, the Assembly passed the follow- 
ing Preamble and Resolutions. 

State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 

In General Assembly, January Session, 1842. 

Whereas a portion of the People of this State, without 
the forms of law, have undertaken to form and establish 
a Constitution of Government for the People of this 
State ; and have declared such Consittution to be the 
Supreme Law ; and have communicated such Constitu- 
tion unto this General Assembly, and whereas many of 
the good People of this State are in danger of beino- 
misled by these informal proceedings; therefore. 

It is hereby Resolved by this General Assembly, That 
all acts done by the persons aforesaid for the purpose of 
imposing upon this State a Constitution, are an assump- 
tion of the Powers of Government, — in violation of the 
rights of the existing Government, and of the rights of 
the people at large. 

Resolved, That the Convention called and organized 
in pursuance of an act of this General Assembly, for the 
purpose of forming a Constitution to be submitted to the 
People of this State, is the only body which we can re- 
cognize as authorized to form such a Constitution ; and 
to this Constitution the whole People have a right to 
14 



158 



APPENDIX. 



look, and we are assured tliey will not look in vain, for 
such a form of Government as will promote their peace, 
security and happiness. 

Resolved, That this General Assembly will maintain 
its own proper authority, and protect and defend the legal 
and constitutional rights of the People. 
True copy : witness, 

HENRY BOWEN, Sccrctar?/. 



RESOLUTIONS 
ADOPTED BY THE RHODE ISLAND SUFFRAGE AS- 
SOCIATION, JANUARY 25), 184.2. 

1. Resolved, That the statement recently made and 
repeated in the General Assembly, by Representatives 
from this city, and by other members, that the People of 
this city and State, in their recent vote for the Constitu- 
tion, which they have adopted, did not vote for the same 
with the desire or expectation that the same viould be 
carried into effect, and that they voted merely to express 
an opinion in favor oi an extension of Suffrage by a 
higher authority, — is a direct insult to the People, and 
is totally unfounded and false ; and that we respond, 
heart and soul, as one man, to the unalterable determi- 
nation avowed by our Convention, to establiah, sustain, 
and defend our entire Constitution bv all necessary 

MEANS ; PEACEABLY IF WE CAN, FORCICLY IF WE MUST. 

2. Resolved, That the Resolutions adopted by the 
General Assembly, on the 28th day of January, wherein 
the proceedings of the great majority of tlie People, in 
forming and adopting a Com-titution, are described as 
the proceedings of a portion only of the same, as dan- 
gerous and contrary to law, as a usurpation of the pow- 
ers of government, and in violation of the rights of the 
People at large, and requiring to be suppressed by the 
hand of authority and of force — are a daring invasion 
of the Rights of sovereignty, vested by the principles of 
our government, in the People of this State, — are false 
in fact, and at war with the doctrines of a Democratic 



APPENDIX. 159 

Republic, here founded and sustained by our venerable 
ancestors, — are worthy of the dark aores of monarchical 
oppression and misrule, — and justly entitle their authors, 
and their aiders, abettors and supporters, to the contempt 
and execration of the People of our State. 

3. Resolved, That, while we regard these and all sim- 
ilar ebulitions of the rage of an expiring faction, with 
the feelings which they so justly deserve, and are ready 
to aid in consigning the pnrtizans of that faction to the 
political doom which is their due, and which so speedily 
awaits them at the hands of the People of this State, we 
are also prepared to meet the threatened action of the 
Assembly, and to repel force by force. 

4. Resolved, That any attempt on the part of the gov- 
ernment of this State to molest or injure any man for the 
expression of his opinion upon our Constitution, or for 
his aid and support in carrying the same into effect, shall 
be promptly counteracted and suppressed by the strong 
arm of the People. 

5. Resolved, That to the execution of the foregoing 
resolutions we pleuge our trutli, our substance, and if 
need be, our lives. 

6. Resolved, That a CouTmittee of Public Safety and 
Correspondence be forthwith raised in each ward of this 
city; and that it be recommended to our brethren in all 
towns of the State to raise similar Committees without 
delay. 

7. Resolved, That the foregoing Resolutions be 
signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and issued, to- 
gether with the Resolutions from Warwick, in an Extra, 
for distribution through the State. 

J. A. BROWN, Chairman, 

F. L. Beckford, Secretary. 



Extract from Resolutions passed at Warwick. 

Resolved, That we will not be compelled, by threats, 
which the General Assembly, or any other person, by 
their order, may see fit to hold over us, to abandon the 
People's Constitution, or any part of it, or to with- 



160 APPENDIX. 

draw our aid and assistance in putting the new govern- 
ment under it, into full operation. 

Resolved, That, while we will abstain from all offen^ 
sive collision with the lean minority who oppose the 
People's Constitution, we will be found ready to aid 
in carrying the new Government into effect by all neces- 
sary measures in our power. 

From resolutions passed at Woonsocket. 

Resolved, That the General Assembly cannot by any 
legislative act, increase or diminish the validity of the 
People's Constitution. 

Resolved, That the people by adopting the present 
Constitution, have virtually annulled and made void all 
existing acts of the General Assembly providing for a 
convention to form a Constitution ; and should such 
conventipn re-assemble, we shall regard it as a faction 
putting at defiance the known will of the people. 

Resolved, That we despise and hold in utter contempt, 
all threats and denunciations from whatever source they 
may emanate, put forth for the purpose of overawing 
the public and suppressing public sentiment. 

Resolved, That we regard the recent efforts of a por- 
tion of our General Assembly to perpetuate the present 
unequal system ol government, as the phrenzied acts of 
an expiring aristocracy, making war upon the inaliena- 
ble rights of the people, and designed to screen their 
authors from that merited and inevitable doom, that 
speedity awaits them at the hands of the people. 

Resolved, That we heartily respond to the resolutions 
passed by the people in different sections of the state, 
expressing their firm determination to carry into effect 
the People's Constitution, and hereby declare that we are 
ready to perform any labors, to make any Constitutions, 
to encounter any difficulties, to meet any dangers, and 
make any sacrifices that the cause may require. 

Resolutions of a similar character were passed in sev- 
eral other places; and in conformity with them, it soon 
became common to talk of arming, to carry out their 
spirit. 



APPENDIX. 161 

The following is the. first section of the bill respecting 
the right of suffrage, introduced by Judge Pitman into 
the General Assembly, and passed by the Senate, at the 
January session, 1811. The remaining sections were 
designed merely to guard this one against abuses. 

Be it enacted by the General Assembly , and by the 
authority thereof it is enacted, That every white male 
citizen of this state, who iias attained to the age of twen- 
ty-one years, and who is rated for a poll or property tax, 
or who is or has been enrolled in the militia of this state, 
shall be hereafter entitled to vote for general officers of 
this state, and for persons to represent the respective 
towns in General Assembly : Provided, That no citizen 
shall be entitled to vote by virtue of his being or* having 
been enrolled in the militia, who is exempted from mili- 
tary duty in consequence of any bodily defect or infirmi- 
ty ; Provided also, That no citizen shall be entitled to 
vote in any town for the officers or persons aforesaid^ 
except the one wherein such citizen shall have been a 
resident for the space of one year next preceding the 
time of such voting; And provided always, That every 
citizen, qualified as aforesaid, shall be entitled to vote as 
aforesaid, notwithstanding he may not have been ad- 
mitted a freeman in any town in this state. 



The issuing ot the following documents, was the first 
active measure of a defensive character, on the part of 
the Executive. 

[official.] 
BY HIS EXCELLENCY, 

SAMUEL WARD KING. 

Governor, Captain Genercd and Commander-in-Chief of 

the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas sundry persons, citizens of this State, or 

residents within the same are conspiring and confederat-. 

14* 



162 APPENDIX. 

in(T to usurp the government thereof — are deceived and^ 
seducing honest and well-meaning citizens, under vari- 
ous preleuces, to engage in said crimmal enterprise,, 
contrary to the laws in such cases made and provided: 

And whereas the General Assembly of our said state,, 
at the session holden on the fourth Monday of March 
last, passed and enacted the following Resolution, viz : 

Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be re- 
quested to issue his proclamation to the good people of 
this Stale, exhorting them to give no aid or countenance 
to those who, in violation of the law, may attempt to set 
up a government in opposition to the existing government 
of thts state, and calling upon them to support the con- 
stituted authorities for the preservation of the public 
peace, aud in the execution of those laws on which the 
security of all depends. 

I do, therefore, issue this my Proclamation, warning 
and admonishing all faithful citizens who have been led, 
without due knowledge or consideration, to participate 
in the said unlawful enterprise, to withdraw from the 
same without delay ; and requiring also all persons 
whomsoever, engaged or concerned in the same, to cease 
all further proceedings therein, as they will answer the 
contrary at their peril. And I hereby enjoin and require 
all Judges, Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Deputy Sher- 
iffs, au'd Constables, and all Military Officers, within 
their respective departments, and according to their 
several functions, to be vigilant and firm in detecting and 
brinrrin.cr to condian punishment all persons engaged or 
concerned in such enterprise. 

And furthermore, I do hereby exhort all the good 
people of this state, that they give no countenance to 
said unlawful enterprise, but that they do by their advice 
and example, aid and support the civil authority m its 
exertions to suppress all unlawful combinations, and 
maintain the peace and dignity of the State. 

In testimony whereof, 1 have caused the seal of said 

state to be affixed to these presents, and have 

signed the same with my hand. Given at the 

[ L. s. 1 city of Providence on the fourth day of April, in 

the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 



APPENDIX. 163 

dred and forty. two, and of the Independence of 
the United States of America the sixty-sixth. 
SAMUEL WARD KING. 
By his Excellency's command : 
Henry Bow en, 
Secretary of State. 



ORDERS. 

Adjutant General's Office, . 
Providence, April 4, 184-2. 
Sir : — You are hereby ordered forthwith to assemble 
th* men under your command, and direct them to be in 
readiness at thirty minutes' warning, armed and equip- 
ped, to obey such orders as you may receive from the 
Commander-in-chief. 

You are also ordered to report to this Department, 
immediately after the above meeting, the number of rank 
and file under your command, with a statement ot their 
arms and equipments. 

By order of his Excellency, 

SAMUEL WARD KING. 
Governor and Commander-in-chief. 
Elisha Dyer, Jr., 
Adjutant General of Rhode Island. 



Copy of an original Order found in Dorr's Camp after 
its evacuation. 

Head Quarters, Glocester, June 25, 1842. 
Mr. SiaioN Mathewson : 

You are hereby directed on the receipt of this to as- 
semble the volunteers ot Scituate and form them into a 
company and march forthwith to Chepachet, each man 



164 A1>?ENDIX. 

is directed to bring two days provision, together with all 
the arms and ammunition possible.* 

The enemy threaten to attack us in our entrenchments 
immediately. Let every friend of Freedom be here 
without delay. 

CHARLES E. NEWELL, Quarter Master. 
By order of Gov. Thomas W. Dorr, 

Commandcr-i7i' Chief. 
William H, Potter,! Adjutant General. 



From the JYeic Jig e of Dcccmher 29, 184L 
FURIOUS IMBEGlLrrY. 
Never was the old maxim more completely verified 
than it has been of late in our vicinity. " Whom God 
wills to destroy, he first deprives of his understanding." 
Our opponents, especially the writers in the Providence 
Journal, seem to have partaken of the insane root; 
which has rendered them furious in their denunciation, 
at the same time that it has taken away the remains of 
sober judgment on all matters relating to political reform 
in this State. In the intervals of rage they subside for a 
time into the melting mood, and beg the suffrage men, 
with tears in their eyes, to surrender their rights, and re- 
lapse into the old dominion of their humane masters. 
Anon they storm and rage, draw the sword, touch off the 
cannon, slay on paper the friends of Republican free- 
dom, and dance, with terrific agility, "through all the 
mazes of metaphorical confusion." This is *' the be- 
ginning of the end." All seems to be goir»g on well. 
The People are coming up to the work. Panic is writ- 
ten in lines not to be mistaken, upon the faces of the 
Tories. They threaten bravely through fear. No one 
heeds their idle ravings. Their impotent malice excites 

*"A11 the arms and ammunition possible.'' That would in-, 
elude all you can buy, borrow, beg, or steal; and probably the 
Adjutant General, and the Quarter Master, persons of vmch, 
though not high celebrity, would not have been extremely fastid- 
ious as to which, 

* Not Wm. H. Potter, Esq., a member of the Rhode Island 
Bar. 



APPENDIX. 165 

pity only ; it is hardly potent enough for con^tempt. We 
refer, in illustration of our remarks, to two pieces, side 
by side, in the Journal of Saturday last — the first of the 
threatening and exterminating order, by ' Country Born,' 
and the second one of those pieces denominated " the 
oily puff," coming over us with soft words, and highly 
appreciating the honest intentions of the non-freeholders ! 
Every thing indicates that the time of the corruptionists 
is short, and that they will soon be consigned, with thier 
productions, to the limbo of vanity. 



At a meeting in Johnston, on the fifth of February, 
1842, it was 

Resolved, That we will maintain and support the Peo- 
ple's Constitution, and will resist, by all proper means, 
the adoption of any, and all other Constitutions, except 
in the mode pointed out in the People's Constitution. 

Resolved, That the statements put forth by some mem- 
bers of the General Assembly, that the People would be 
satisfied if they obtained the Principles contained in the 
said People's Constitution in relation to Suffrage and 
representation, are false and groundless ; that we cannot 
be cajoled out of our rights, and will adhere to the Con- 
stitution, line for line, and letter for letter, until altered 
by the same power that enacted it; and to the carrying 
out of the Constitution in its full extent, and to its main- 
tenance by all necessary means, we pledge our fortunes 
and our honors. 

Resolved, That we regard the threats of our opponents, 
as the ebulitions of impotent malice; but if their auda- 
city should ever carry them to the folly of opposing the 
people by force, we respond to the sentiment of our 
friends in the other parts of the State, and will repel 
force by force. 

EPHRAIM WINSOR, Chairman. 

At a meeting in Smithfield, on the fifth of February, 
1842, it was 

Mesolved, That we respond heart and soul, as one 



166 



APPENDIX. 



man, lo the unalterahle determination avowed by our 
Convention, to establish, sustain and defend our entire 
Constitution by all necessary means. 

Resolved, That any attempt on the part of the Gov- 
ernment of this State, to molest or injure any man for 
the expression of his opinion on the part of our Consti- 
tution, or for his aid and support in carrying the same 
into effect, shall be sirongly counteracted and suppressed 
by the strong arm of the people, under our Constitution 
and the law of the land. 

PALEMON WALCOTT, Chairman. 

' At a nseeting in Newport, on the fifth day of Febru- 
ary, 1842, Dutee J. Pearce, Milton Hall, and others, 
were appointed to report Resolutions, who reported the 
following, which were unanimously adopted: 

Mcsoived, That the Constitution which we have 
► adapted, ought to be, must be, and will be maintained, 
until by the people it shall be abolished or amended in 
the way. which its own provisions prescribe. 

Resolved, That we will readily co-operate with our 
fellow citizens throughout the State, in devising and ex- 
ecuting the measures necessary for the preservation of 
their life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and if 
need be, to provide new guards for their security. 

At a meeting in Tiverton, on the seventh of Febru- 
ary, 1842, it was 

Resolved, That our Constitution must and shall be 
sustained by all necessary means, peaceably if it may be 
so, forcibly if not. 

At a meeting held in Burrill^rille, (one of the largest 
meetings ever held in that town,) on the second of Feb- 
ruary, 1842, it was 

Resolved, That we cheerfully respond to the resolu- 
tions passed by the Warwick and Rhode Island Suffrage 
Association, in Providence, and will lend all necessary 
aid in our power, to carry the Government, under the 
People's Constitution, into successful operation. 



APPENDIX. 167 

At a meeting in Bristol, on the seventh of February, 
1842, the following resolutions were adopted r 

Resolved, That the Sovereignty of the People shall be 
maintained, and that all laws, enactments and resolutions, 
repugnant to the People's Constitution, will be consid- 
ered by us, illegal usurpation. 

R(solrccl, That tiie will of the People, as contained 
in their Constitution, is the paramount law of this State, 
and that we will take all proper measures to proteci it as 
such, and to effect its permanent establishment and bind- 
ing legality as the supreme law of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations. 

At a meeting at the Town House, Providence, on the 
twenty-fifth of February, 1842, it was 

Resolved^ That trusting in the goodness of our cause, 
and in the union, harmony, and energetic determination 
of its friends, we bid defiance to all influences of any 
kind which can be brought to bear against us, and that 
we know of no real friend of our republican constitu- 
tion, who can be deterred or driven from its support. 

At a meeting on Cumberland Hill, March 1st. 1842, 
it was 

Resolved, That we will sustain the People's Constitu- 
tion by every means which the love of liberty may inspire 
in the human bosom. 

Resolved, That it is currently reported that the expir- 
ing aristocracy of R. 1. have already visited the states of 
New York and Massachusetts requesting military aid 
to chain the free spirit of Rhode Islanders; we look 
upon the measures as an evidence of their fears and 
are resolved that in tiiis case the fears of the wicked 
shall come upon them. 

Resolved, That we will peaceably submit to the au- 
thorities of this state until a certain day named in the 
people's constitution, when we will not be governed by 
any other power but such as is provided by the constitu- 
tion unless forced by the strong arm of Power. 

Resolved, That the time may come when further for- 
bearance may cease to be a virtue, and we shall consider 
that time as arrived whenever there is any hindrance to 
the peaceable action of the people's constitution. 



168 AlPPENDIX^ 

Resolved, Tliat we stand ready at a moment's warn- 
ing, with our lives and honor, to carry into full effect 
the people's constitution according to the conditions of 
the same, unless otherwise ordered by the General Gov- 
ernment of the Nation. 

At a meeting held at Woonsocket, February twenty- 
six, 1842, it was 

Resolved, That the People's Constitution will be 
maintained at all and any hazard. 

Resolved, That, we, as one man, will, by every means 
in our power, oppose the adoption of this spurious con- 
stitution, nor abate our efforts until it shall be one of 
the things that were. 

At a meeting at the Town House, Providence, April 
ffrst, 1842, the following resolution, offered by Mr. Dorr, 
was unanimously passed : 

Resolved, That any attempt, under color of a pretend- 
ed law, or otherwise, to deprive the citizens of their 
right peaceably to assemble and elect their officers under 
said Constitution, or to molest the persons so elected, 
shall be counteracted by all such means as the occasion 
shall demand. 

The following resolutions were passed at regularly 
called meetings of the party on Thursday evening April 
seventh : 

Resolved, That we the friends of the People's Con- 
stitution of this state, proceed to organize ourselves into 
military companies. A'nd that we hereby agree to equip 
and place ourselves under the command of the person 
who may be elected to command the said companies, 
for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of 
our friends and fellow citizens in this city and state. 

Resolved, That we the people of the Sixth Ward, will 
nominate our Warden, Clerk, Justices of the Peace, and 
two citizens to be elected Representatives to the General 
Assembly ; and that we will protect and defend them in 
the discharge of their duty, against all power or force 
which may attempt to molest them, both by day and 
night ; and that we will guard the polls on the eighteenth 
for that purpose. 



APPENDIX. 169 

Resolved, Tiiat to preserve peace, it is necessary to 
prepare for war; and for that purpose we hereby pledge 
our:?ehes to form two volunteer companies of the citi- 
zens ot this ward of one htfndred men each, and that we 
will submit to, and obey in true military style, the com- 
mands and orders of the officers who niay be chosen in 
commaiid. 

Resolved, That we recommend each friend of the 
People's Coiistitution, to provide himself with a good 
rifle or musket, and at least forty ball cartridges, so that 
he may be ready to defend his rights at twenty minutes 



warm nil. 



P. S. From tlie period of Mr. Dorr's fliglit from Che- 
j)achet, up to the present time, [July 21,] the public have 
had no certain tidings of him. Tliough rumor has been 
extremely busy in attempting to point him out, and many, 
no doubt, tempted by the reward of five thousand dollars 
for his apprehension, would be happy to shake hands 
\\\\\\ him, he has eluded all inquiries, and kept himself 
invisible. Whether he has remained secreted in any one 
j)lace, or kept on the move from place to place, unseen, 
or has left the country, is a problem that remains to be 
solved. Vvhat was the plan of arrangements made by 
him, for carrying on the war, if he had made any, the 
public have never been distinctly apprised from any 
official souice. There can be little doubt, however, from 
hints thrown out by many of his adherents, ancf open 
declarations from others, that the first movement, after 
he should have found himself sufliciently strong to make 
it, was to be, on the city of Providence. Such a move- 
ment would certainly have been vitally essential to his 
cause, and that at an early period; because, without it, 
lie could not have obtained possession of a dollar of the 
15 



no APPCNDiX. 

public property, nor commanded supplies foi his troops. 
He seems to have believed that the city would be surren- 
dered to him almost without resistance; but hewas much 
disappointed on finding what a small number of the citi- 
zens would join him, and more especially ciiagrined and 
astonished, at the case and readiness with which Gov. 
King embodied a military force, for offensive or defen- 
sive operations, amounting to three thousand men. 

Whatever were Dorr's intentions, had the city been 
captured by him, we know not. But several gentlemen 
residents of the city, were warned by others friendly 
to them, and in the secrets of the camp at Chetachet, or 
assuming and presumed to be so, to leave the city by a 
certain time ; or, if they uould not themselves leave, at 
least to send out their families. That many of Dorr's 
adlierents expected the city to be given up to plunder for 
tweiity-four hours, and its fair daughters into their brutal 
liands, is known from their own declarations, and might 
have been fully apprehended from iheir well known char- 
acter. And these are men whom Dorr himself could 
not have controlled, had he possessed the inclination to 
do so. The prisoners captured were, most of them, this 
class of men, whose tender mercies would have proved 
cruelties; and whose triumph, had it occurred, no doubt 
would have been characterised by the most ferocious 
brutality; for it cannot be disguised, that, by far the 
greater portion of the Dorr party, abandoned by most of 
the respectable suffrage men, had become neither more 
nor less than an irresponsible and unprincipled mob. 
This statement challenges denial ; and so true is it, that 
even the officers in command in his camp, and who sur- 
rounded his person, with two or three exceptions, were 
men with whom no reputable person who knew them, 
even of their own party, would associate. 



APPii.NDIX. 171 

In making these statements, the writer has no spleen 
to vent, and no private or party objec to advance. They 
are made because they are known to be true; not only 
by the writer, but by this whole community ; and would, 
if necessary, be attested by two-thirds of the suffrage 
party of Rhode Island; and to them he would confi- 
dently appeal, for the truth or falsity of the foregoing 
work, as it relates to the doings of '^hat party, and the 
manner in which they have been deceived and imposed 
on by a few political demagogues, with Thomas W. 
Dorr at their head; and who came in at the eleventh 
hour, to promote their own objects of private ambition* 



^ 90 7 



